Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 11

Tian Bangxuan shook his head and said, "Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao would never raise an army. If they had such determination, they would not have fled to Japan but would have returned to their hometown to organize an army. Their so-called support, I think, is more likely a deception to collect donations from overseas Chinese under the guise of supporting the emperor."

Tang Caichang was displeased and said to Tian Bangxuan, "How can you say such things about Mr. Kang and Mr. Liang? They are your teachers, after all. Your speculation is too much."

Tian Bangxuan insisted, "It's fine if you think I'm being unreasonable, but you now bear the weight of hundreds or even thousands of lives on your shoulders. For the sake of these lives, shouldn't you first consider Kang and Liang's actions with a cynical eye? Liang Qichao showed some remorse after the Hundred Days' Reform, but even in Japan, Kang Youwei still hoped for a pardon from the court. In Canada, he even sent several telegrams forbidding Liang Qichao from contacting the revolutionaries. Could such a person support you in rebelling against the court? I worry that you and your classmates will be caught in a dilemma by Kang Youwei. What's the point of talking about being a gentleman or a villain then?"

Tang Caichang opened his mouth but couldn't find any words to refute him. He knew that Liang Qichao could be considered a gentleman, but Kang Youwei was not necessarily so. However, he quickly regained his composure and said, "It's alright, I don't just place my hopes on Kang and Liang."

After the chaos in the north, many prominent figures fled south for refuge. I have already contacted Rong Hong, Yan Fu, Zhang Taiyan, and Wen Tingshi, and we will hold a meeting at Zhang Garden in a few days to discuss how to handle the aftermath of the Allied Forces' capture of Beijing. If these distinguished figures step forward to advocate for justice, the governors-general of the southeast might be able to assist me, which would then create a favorable situation for returning north to restore order and welcoming the Emperor back to power. If Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao do not support this, then so be it.”

Upon hearing this, Tian Bangxuan shook his head and said, "I've also heard about the Zhang Garden Meeting. You alone can't organize this meeting. The people who really want to organize this meeting are Sheng Xuanhuai, Li Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong, and Liu Kunyi."

Why did they hold this conference? Because the governors-general and governors of the southeast had reached an agreement with the foreign powers to remain neutral in the war, known as the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact. Although they had reached an agreement with the foreigners, they still needed an explanation to the imperial court. Therefore, Sheng Xuanhuai supported the Zhang Garden Conference, the purpose of which was to establish a provisional parliament.

This parliament wasn't for doing anything; it was meant to warn the imperial court. If the court reached a compromise and ceasefire with the foreigners, and then pursued the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, this parliament would transform from a makeshift organization into a Southeast Parliament recognized by the Southeast Governors-General, thus countering the imperial court.

If the imperial court realizes the seriousness of the situation and does not pursue the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, then this parliament will be a farce. Everyone will issue a statement of non-recognition, and the so-called parliament will dissolve.

The teacher's so-called "utilizing the governor-general of the southeast" is nothing more than being used by the governor-general. The student thinks the teacher should abandon this idea and let's consider a more long-term plan.

Chapter Thirty-Five: Shanghai III

Tang Caichang was indeed shocked by Tian Bangxuan's words, but he quickly came to his senses and said to the student, "Even if we are used by them, as long as the Allied Forces break through Beijing and the Empress Dowager apologizes, we can support the Emperor's return to power and naturally counter these governors. Whether it is the hearts of the people or legitimacy, it will ultimately be in our hands."

Tian Bangxuan shook his head and said, "In this rebellion in the north, the foreign powers wanted to discuss non-aggression with the governors and viceroys in the southeast. This shows that the foreign powers are not capable of suppressing a country with 4 million people. The only thing the foreign powers can deal with is the Manchu court."

Therefore, even if the Allied forces captured Beijing, they could not force the Empress Dowager to abdicate, because they needed a court that could help them suppress the Chinese people's resistance against the foreign powers. Thus, it can be concluded that the Empress Dowager was more suitable than the Emperor to maintain the court.

The teacher's so-called welcoming of the emperor's return to power was nothing but a fantasy. The foreign powers had no such intention. In the past, their pressure on the court to protect the emperor was merely a means to force the court to hand over more benefits. Now, the uprising of the people in the north would make the foreign powers realize that they simply did not have the power to directly rule China, and therefore they would naturally compromise with the Empress Dowager.

Having witnessed the power of the foreign powers, the Empress Dowager will inevitably succumb to their will and become the ruler who maintains their interests in China. The teacher believes that once a compromise is reached between the Empress Dowager and the foreign powers, will they still care whether the Emperor returns to power? Without the support of the foreign powers, how will the teacher counter the governors-general of the southeast?

It should be noted that these governors-general and governors of the southeast all expressed their support for the Empress Dowager after the Wuxu Coup, and Li Hongzhang's faction was the direct person responsible for launching the coup. Weren't they worried about being purged by the Emperor after his return to power?

Li Hongzhang opposes the Empress Dowager's declaration of war against the world because his power lies in Tianjin and Shandong. If war breaks out with the foreign powers, his Huai clique will be the first to go to the battlefield. In the First Sino-Japanese War, the Huai clique squandered decades of accumulated strength and failed to even defeat Japan. What strength does the Huai clique have left to resist the foreign powers?

However, Li Hongzhang would never support the Emperor's return to power, because he and the Empress Dowager were the true allies of interest, and the Emperor's return would inevitably cost him his life. "Does the teacher expect such a person to support your plan to reinstate the Emperor? Even Kang Youwei saw things more clearly than the teacher; he preferred to stay abroad rather than return, wasn't that precisely because of this?"

Tang Caichang looked at the student in front of him and felt a little unfamiliar, because in the past this student, like himself, had always talked about the ideal of transforming China, but never considered so many benefits. He had worked so hard and everything seemed to be going well, but now the other student was saying that it was a cause destined to fail, so naturally he felt very dissatisfied.

However, Tian Bangxuan's words were all reasonable, and he really had no way to refute them. So he couldn't help but argue somewhat sophistry: "Fusheng said: 'In every country, reforms are achieved through bloodshed. Today, China has not heard of anyone shedding blood for reform, which is why the country is not prosperous. If there must be bloodshed, let it begin with Sitong.' I am willing to follow in Fusheng's footsteps and use my blood to awaken the world."

Hearing Tang Caichang's words, Tian Bangxuan also got a little angry. He raised his voice slightly and said, "Tan Fusheng's blood is enough. If we all die, who will continue his unfinished work? Are we to let bureaucrats like Li Hongzhang and Zhang Zhidong do it?"

The world today no longer needs to be awakened in this way, because the actions of this dynasty will gradually push the world towards revolution. What we need to do now is accumulate revolutionary strength and wait for the opportune moment for revolution, rather than hoping that a Manchu emperor can save the country; he can't even save himself.

Tang Caichang finally lost his temper. In another timeline, Kang Youwei delayed sending money, and it was Tian Bangxuan who sold his family's property to support the early construction of the Self-Reliance Army. However, in this world, Tian Bangxuan changed his ideology and prepared to take a gradual approach, which made it difficult for Tang Caichang to meet his expectations.

Tian Bangxuan's attitude will affect the stance of the students of the Shiwu Academy, and the students of the Shiwu Academy are the foundation that Tang Caichang relies on. He also knows that the local secret societies he has won over are not reliable and can only be used to add icing on the cake. The real pillars are these students of the Shiwu Academy.

Realizing that continuing the argument would cause a rift among the students of the Current Affairs Academy, Tang Caichang forced himself to calm down and asked Tian Bangxuan, "Since you believe that only revolution can save this country, don't the revolutionaries also support our uprising? Why don't they think that now is not the right time for a revolution? And what makes you think that your judgment is the right time for a revolution? If the time is never right, does that mean we will never have a revolution?"

Seeing that Tang Caichang's attitude had softened, Tian Bangxuan replied in a slightly gentler tone: "The revolution we want is not the same as the revolution the revolutionaries want. The revolutionaries only think about overthrowing the Manchu regime, but they have never thought about what kind of China they want to build after the revolution."

Teacher, the revolution I'm talking about means overthrowing this dynasty and the conservatives in this country, and then building the China that Teacher Fusheng described. Because without overthrowing this dynasty and the conservatives in this country, we can't carry out any construction.

If we want to build a better future, we can't rely on secret societies. What can they accomplish besides swindling and cheating? Are we just going to replace the Qing government with a new group of bureaucrats who prey on the people? If so, what's the point of this revolution?

Therefore, the important thing is not whether the revolutionaries support us, but whether the people support us. Because this new country doesn't just belong to us, it also belongs to them. Revolution is absolutely not a power struggle or a conquest of the country by a few. If someone joins the revolution with such thoughts, regardless of whether they claim to be a revolutionary, they are not a revolutionary.

Tian Bangxuan's words resonated with Tang Caichang. While he was willing to associate with people from the underworld, he couldn't quite accept certain practices of the underworld. Therefore, he knew that some secret societies were willing to respond to him simply so they could rob someone. After all, without these people uniting them, secret societies from different regions couldn't have joined forces to act, nor would they have had the weapons to attack a heavily guarded county town.

Tang Caichang could only sigh and say, "But if we don't use secret societies, who can we use? Ordinary people are afraid of the government. How could they dare to risk losing their heads and rebel against the court with us? Only these secret societies have been fighting against the court for many years. They won't have a good life if they don't overthrow the court, so they dare to rebel with us."

Tian Bangxuan disagreed, saying, "Teacher, I cannot agree with what you said. The Boxer Rebellion in the North is so big. Is it organized by a secret society? No, the people in the North are oppressed to the point of being unable to survive, so they rose up in rebellion."

This shows that the power lies among the people. What we need to do is organize them, help them, and prevent them from being used by charlatans. Then they will be the most reliable force for the revolution.

As for the timing of the revolution, we must first clarify who the targets of the Chinese revolution are. If we can't even clearly define the targets of the revolution, and everyone's efforts cannot be united, is it really time for a revolution?

Tang Caichang remained silent for a long time before saying, "I know, Lishan has come to talk to me about this several times. But isn't your target of revolution too broad? Strictly speaking, which of us reformers doesn't have a few acres of land? Doesn't your family, Tian Jun, own quite a bit of land? Are you planning to revolutionize even your own family? I'm worried that if we decide on this target of revolution, tomorrow all the people below will be gone. Then we'll become like rats crossing the street, hated by everyone."

After debating revolutionary theories with others for the past six months and witnessing the astonishing scenes he saw upon returning to China, Tian Bangxuan was now able to face the issue head-on. He truly felt the correctness of this revolutionary target, and thus, in response to Tang Caichang's apparent weakness, he firmly stated: "Since we are going to devote ourselves to the revolution, we must naturally overthrow all landlords, including my family."

Teacher, you're not afraid of death to save the country, so why be afraid of offending a few landlords? Unless we abandon our ideal of saving the country, eliminating the landlord class is the only way to save it. We can't shout for the lower classes to save the country, but then refuse to sacrifice even a little bit of our own interests. That's clearly not saving the country, but saving ourselves. And to ask the lower classes to bring their own food to save us—isn't that absurd?

Tang Caichang remained silent. The conversation ultimately yielded no conclusion, as Tang Caichang felt he had already created such a large mess and couldn't simply abandon it. Tian Bangxuan, however, sensed that the teacher's attitude had actually changed somewhat; clearly, under Li Shan's and her persuasion, Tang Caichang wasn't entirely without ideas.

On July 1, prominent figures such as Yung Wing, Yan Fu, Zhang Taiyan, and Wen Tingshi, along with members of the Righteousness Association led by Tang Caichang, held a meeting at Zhang Garden in Shanghai, calling it a "parliament." Yung Wing was elected as the speaker, Yan Fu as the vice-speaker, and Tang Caichang as the general secretary. The headquarters was located in Shanghai.

However, Tang Caichang soon realized that things had changed. After the so-called National Assembly was established, the gentry of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, led by Wang Kangnian, joined in. Wang Kangnian then advocated that the power of the governors-general of the southeast should be used to save the situation, and he took it upon himself to invite the representatives of the governors-general of the southeast to attend the meeting. Tang Caichang, who wanted to use the National Assembly to establish his legitimacy, immediately realized that he had gone from being the organizer of the National Assembly to a participant. Just as Tian Bangxuan said, this meeting was a complete conspiracy.

Watching Tian Bangxuan follow Zhang Zhidong's representative, Tao Senjia, into the meeting hall, Tang Caichang realized that the other's words were not unfounded, but based on some evidence. Tao Senjia was Zhang Zhidong's confidant, but also a figure who had served abroad as a diplomat in Germany. This time, he was representing Zhang Zhidong in signing the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement with the consuls of various countries in Shanghai. If it weren't for Tian Bangxuan's warning, Tang Caichang would have been quite happy to see him join, because, in a way, he was also Zhang Zhidong's protégé, and they were practically on the same side.

Chapter Thirty-Six: Shanghai IV

On July 11, Tang Caichang invited Tian Bangxuan to meet at Wan'an Building, which is close to the French Wharf and offers a panoramic view of the Huangpu River. It can be said to be the very end of the Bund.

When Tian Bangxuan arrived at Wan'an Tower, she noticed that Tang Caichang had finally kept a low profile this time and hadn't brought anyone else. The two sat down at a table overlooking the river pier and, like the other tourists, ordered a pot of tea and some snacks, chatting quietly while watching the river view.

After watching the waiter walk away, Tang Caichang got straight to the point and asked, "What are your thoughts on the meetings of the past two days?"

Tian Bangxuan, without looking up, skimmed the foam from the teacup with the lid in one hand and replied, "Wang Kangnian, who advocates relying on the power of governors like Zhang Zhidong and Li Hongzhang to save the situation, isn't he just one of Zhang Zhidong's henchmen? As for those who say we should rely on Japan, Britain, and the United States to safeguard national integrity, they are just industrialists from Shanghai and Jiangsu. Their businesses can't survive without foreign support. As for you, teacher, have you changed your mind?"

Tang Caichang's face was somewhat grim. When he organized the establishment of the National Assembly, he only wanted to give his armed uprising a legitimate name. However, he never expected that so many people would join the National Assembly after it was convened, which directly caused him to lose control of the National Assembly.

He sighed and said, "Perhaps your guess is right. The governors and viceroys of the southeast have all sent representatives to join the National Assembly. They really want to turn the National Assembly into their puppet. These people have neither the country nor the emperor in their hearts, only their own power and position."

But I've already sent Lin Gui and Fu Cixiang to Hubei and Anhui, and they've mobilized quite a few people. If we stop the uprising now, it might be hard for our comrades to accept. Perhaps we could try persuading Commander Zhang Xiangshuai: if the uprising succeeds, we can recommend him as the leader and reform the government?

Tian Bangxuan looked up at Tang Caichang and shook his head, saying, "How can you be so naive, teacher? Zhang Zhidong is incapable of achieving anything. If the situation changes, he will definitely betray his teachers and classmates to protect his own position. This man is no different from Yuan Shikai. Haven't we already suffered a loss at Yuan Shikai's hands? Are we going to fall into the same trap again?"

Tang Caichang frowned upon hearing this and said, "Did you hear something in Zhang Zhidong's inner circle? Tao Senjia contacted me before, saying he hoped I would return to Xiang Shuai's tutelage. Isn't this a sign that Zhang Zhidong harbors ambitions?"

Tian Bangxuan sighed and said, "The problem is not with Zhang Zhidong, but with Li Hongzhang."

Tang Caichang looked at his student with a puzzled expression and asked, "After the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Li Hongzhang was already disgraced. Although the Governor-General of the Southeast nominally honored him as the leader against the court, even if the Emperor were willing, I'm afraid he wouldn't have the nerve to return to the central government."

Tian Bangxuan looked at the other person seriously and said, "Yes, now the governors and viceroys of the southeast are pushing Li Hongzhang to the front to shield him from the wind and rain and compete with the court. In fact, they do not really want to respect Li Hongzhang as the leader. But does Li Hongzhang not know this fact? Since Li Hongzhang knows this fact, why did he let Sheng Xuanhuai help organize this meeting? Although Zhang Zhidong is quite capable, he is no different from a child in front of Li Hongzhang."

Tang Caichang found this somewhat unpleasant, but still asked the student, "Junyi, what makes you say that? Even Zhang Xiangshuai wasn't as bad as you make him out to be. What room for maneuver does Li Hongzhang have in this matter?"

Tian Bangxuan bluntly stated, "Li Hongzhang's foundation lay in the Huai clique, not in his official position. Whether Li Hongzhang was the Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi or not was irrelevant. As long as the Huai clique listened to him, just the name Li Hongzhang alone commanded respect both domestically and internationally. May I ask, teacher, if any other governor-general of the southeast, besides Li Hongzhang, lost their official positions, could they still command the army? Take Zhang Zhidong for example, if he were transferred from the position of Governor-General of Huguang, could he still command the two battalions of the New Army in Hubei?"

Tang Caichang was speechless. Tian Bangxuan continued, "Li Hongzhang dared to be the first to send a telegram back to Beijing to say that he would not obey the imperial edict. His confidence did not come from his position as Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, but from the Huai Army stationed in Tianjin and Shandong."

The support from the governors and viceroys of the southeast was merely icing on the cake; it was not a true alliance among them. These governors and viceroys were just barking at the court under Li Hongzhang's protection. The court was not powerless against them, but rather powerless against Li Hongzhang.

When the Allied forces reached the outskirts of Beijing, the Empress Dowager would surely realize this. Therefore, breaking the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact would be very simple: just win over Li Hongzhang. The Empress Dowager would inevitably do so, and Li Hongzhang would certainly accept. Why? Because after the Hundred Days' Reform, Li Hongzhang and the Empress Dowager could no longer escape each other's clutches; defeating one would inevitably lead to the downfall of the other.

Teacher, think about this: once the court reaches a peace agreement with the foreign powers, and Li Hongzhang sides with the Empress Dowager, would Zhang Zhidong still continue to support you? How could he possibly gamble his life? Could the troops you've assembled defeat the Huai Army? Moreover, once Li Hongzhang sides with the court, other governors-general and viceroys would likely rush to curry favor with the court to avoid being purged. What could Zhang Zhidong, a lone Governor-General of Huguang, possibly use to fight against the court?

"Teacher, you should quickly tell Lin Gui and his group to stop their actions. Whether they try to start a rebellion with the help of others, with Zhang Zhidong's support, or by relying on the foreign powers, it won't work."

Tang Caichang felt as if a breath was stuck in his chest, unable to escape, truly suffocating him. Disheartened, he picked up his teacup and took a large gulp, only then feeling slightly better.

Tian Bangxuan simply looked at his teacher without speaking. He had also experienced this, having his worldview completely negated, which was indeed a painful thing. But after emerging from a collapsed world, one would discover a much wider world waiting to be explored. He hoped that his teacher could emerge from this situation instead of sinking deeper into erroneous beliefs.

Tang Caichang slammed his teacup down, the loud noise attracting the attention of the waiter. He quickly forced a smile and waved to the waiter, brushing the matter off. Then he turned his gaze back to Tian Bangxuan's face and asked gravely, "So what can we do now if we don't cause trouble?"

Tian Bangxuan replied confidently, "Yes, we will damage the reputation of Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai and expose their so-called Southeast Mutual Protection Scam."

Tang Caichang was surprised again. He immediately asked, "How can we damage the reputation of Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai? Even if the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact is exposed, the governors and viceroys of the provinces will not dare to do anything to Li Hongzhang, right? After all, without Li Hongzhang taking the lead, they would not dare to go against the court."

Tian Bangxuan shook his head and said, "I'm not talking about exposing Li Hongzhang's hypocrisy in front of the governors and viceroys of the provinces, but about exposing Li Hongzhang's hypocrisy in front of the people of the provinces."

The so-called Southeast Mutual Protection Pact proposed by Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai was nothing more than wishful thinking. They believed that the foreign powers would accept the agreement because of their non-participation in the chaos initiated by the court. But how could the foreign powers be so benevolent? The root cause of the recent civil unrest in the north was the discontent caused by foreign missionaries interfering with my country's judicial system and showing favoritism towards Christians.

Even if these foreigners are in the wrong, they will still try to find a reason to justify themselves in front of us. This time, the imperial court has handed over such a big handle, and the powers have all mobilized their troops. How can they not demand that we cede territory and pay reparations? The so-called Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement has not been signed by the foreigners to this day. It's just that the consuls of various countries have sat down and listened to the conditions we put forward.

Therefore, once the reinforcements from various countries arrive in China, whether the great powers will still abide by the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement will depend on their mood, rather than on the few agreements we proposed.

This Southeast Mutual Guarantee originated from a telegram between Sheng Xuanhuai and Li Hongzhang, and the talks with the consuls of various countries in Shanghai were arranged by the Shanghai Daotai (local official) at Sheng Xuanhuai's behest. Therefore, we only need to consider Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai as the guarantors of the Southeast Mutual Guarantee.

The teacher should raise the following points in Parliament: The court's declaration of war against all nations is merely the unilateral decision of a portion of the court and has nothing to do with all Chinese people. Therefore, Parliament should appeal to the governments of all nations not to view this conflict as a war against China, but simply as an operation to protect their citizens in northern China. Parliament acknowledges the legality of these actions and recognizes the nations' right to claim economic compensation for the deaths of their citizens and their legitimate right to punish the perpetrators; however, nations should not make demands beyond these boundaries.

Secondly, the provinces that participated in the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement did not engage in any actions against foreigners; therefore, the southeastern provinces should not be implicated in this matter, nor should they bear any responsibility for compensation claims, whether it be territorial concessions or indemnities. Finally, it is requested that Sheng Xuanhuai promptly sign the Southeast Protection Agreement with the consuls of all countries to safeguard the legitimate rights of both parties.

Sheng Xuanhuai could not get the foreigners to sign, so the Empress Dowager would eventually force Li Hongzhang to sign the peace treaty. Li Hongzhang would then be unable to stop the demands from various countries for territorial concessions and reparations. Based on these points, we could redirect public discontent towards Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai.

Without Li Hongzhang, the imperial court cannot deter the governors-general and governors of the southeast. If these governors-general and governors have the support of the people, they will inevitably harbor ambitions of independence. What we need to do next is to help the governors-general and governors of the southeast to effectively establish their own independent regimes.

Since the Tongzhi Restoration, the Manchu Qing regime had relied on Han Chinese governors and viceroys in various regions for support. Once these Han Chinese governors and viceroys formed regional military governorships, the Manchu Qing regime, which had neither authority nor power, would collapse.

Without the nominally unified government of the Qing Dynasty, the Han Chinese governors and viceroys in various regions would lose their legitimacy in ruling their areas. Our revolutionaries could then seize the opportunity to rise up, first overthrowing the reactionaries in one province, then accumulating strength to conquer province by province. Although it would be slower, it would certainly be the righteous and honorable path.”

Tang Caichang finally relaxed and said, "That's right, Li Hongzhang is indeed our number one enemy. The Qing Dynasty won't fall until he's brought down. If we can completely defeat Li Hongzhang, then the Huai Clique will cease to exist..."

At the parliamentary session the following day, Tang Caichang, following his discussions with Tian Bangxuan, put forward three new proposals. Tang Caichang's sudden shift from the radical faction to the patriotic faction caught some off guard, but it garnered the support of the majority. These people attended parliament to preserve the country but opposed a radical military approach. Tang Caichang's new three points were quite to their liking.

Chapter Thirty-Seven: The Eight-Nation Alliance

After the Imperial Conference, Ito Hirobumi's diplomatic policy of preserving China did not immediately gain the approval of Foreign Minister Aoki, but was mainly opposed by bureaucrats in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Although the elders still determine the highest power in the empire, with the growth of a new generation of bureaucrats, the opinion that the elders should not issue decrees beyond the cabinet has gradually become a consensus among the new bureaucrats.

These new bureaucrats were mostly university educated and had overseas study experience. Under the prevailing Westernization trend, they believed that the factional politics practiced by the elders was outdated and that if they really wanted to align with Western civilization, the country should be governed entirely by a party cabinet in accordance with Western politics.

The elder statesmen issued orders from their lofty positions, and the state organs had to obey them. To the new bureaucrats who had learned about Western politics, this was undoubtedly a sign of Japan's backwardness. This was because it meant that Japan remained an autocratic monarchy, not a constitutional monarchy, and that individual power superseded the law.

Therefore, Ito Hirobumi's issuance of orders to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the Imperial Conference naturally aroused resentment among the Ministry's bureaucrats, who were mainly students studying abroad. Consequently, they adopted a delaying tactic regarding the diplomatic policy of preserving China. Foreign Minister Aoki was happy to see this, as he was also unwilling to let Ito interfere with his power, even though the other party was a senior figure.

However, the situation in Qing China changed rather rapidly. The Russians, who had begun preparing for the Northern Qing Incident in early June, declared a state of war in the Amur Military District just days after the Allied forces launched their attack on the Dagu Forts in Tianjin. On June 25th, both the Amur and Siberian Military Districts simultaneously initiated military mobilization. By June 27th, the two military districts had enlisted 16,855 and 9,515 reservists respectively, completing their mobilization.

On July 16, Russian troops began a massacre in Hailanpao. On July 22, the Amur authorities announced that all Chinese in Hailanpao had been evacuated. At the same time, the Sixty-Four Villages East of the River were also repeatedly swept by Russian troops, and all the villages inhabited by Chinese residents were completely destroyed. These two massacres resulted in the deaths of approximately 8000 Chinese.

Immediately afterwards, the Russian army began its invasion of Northeast China. Russian warships entered the Ergun River, the Heilongjiang River, and the Ussuri River, destroying Chinese outposts and villages along the rivers. They also sent cavalry deep into the left bank of the Ussuri River to carry out widespread burning and killing. Then, the main force of the Russian army rushed towards Heihetun and Aihui.

They slaughtered and burned all the residents of Heihetun who had not yet escaped, and completely razed the town of five or six thousand people. In Aihui, they burned everything in all directions, reducing thousands of houses to ruins, leaving only a camp and a gunpowder depot for their use in battle.

On August 4, Gribsky, the military governor of Amur Province, declared: "The former Manchurian Outer Zeya region (i.e., the Sixty-Four Villages East of the River) and the right bank of the Amur River (Heilongjiang River), which have always been under the jurisdiction of the Chinese authorities according to the Treaty of Aigun, are now under the jurisdiction of the Russian authorities. Chinese residents who have left our riverbank are not allowed to return to the Outer Zeya region."

When this news reached Tokyo, it finally shocked the Japanese, who considered themselves a civilized nation that would abide by international law, and instilled a strong sense of fear in them.

The fears of the Japanese people led some to change their stance, one of whom was Duke Atsumaro Konoe, the Speaker of the House of Peers and President of the Gakushuin Academy.

As the first of the five regent families, the Konoe family, with Duke Atsumaro Konoe, has always been regarded as the pillar of the Emperor's power and, at times, as the Emperor's spokesperson. Of course, the Emperor neither denies nor acknowledges this view.

However, the fact that Duke Konoe Atsumaro served as Speaker of the House of Peers and President of the Gakushuin (Academy of Learning) suggests that this claim may not be entirely unfounded. Since entering the House of Peers, Duke Konoe has consistently criticized the feudal clan system and vigorously encouraged democratic politics, which is a major reason why democratic politics began to rise after the Sino-Japanese War.

After the Sino-Japanese War, Duke Konoe organized the Japan Club and put forward the "East Asia Preservation Theory" and the "Asian Unity Theory." He advocated the establishment of a Sino-Japanese alliance to "manage the Chinese mainland" through cooperation in non-military fields, and to oppose the dominance of Western, European and Russian powers in China through Asianism, thereby maintaining Japan's interests in East Asia.

In 31, Duke Konoe published an article entitled “The Necessity of Studying the Problem of the Alliance with the Same Race and China” in Volume 4, Issue 1 of the magazine “Taiyo”. In the article, he pointed out that “the final fate is the competition between the yellow race and the white race. Under this competition, both Chinese and Japanese people are in a position of being unrecognized because their common enemy is the white race.”

The fact that Konoe could continue to make such statements and still remain in a high position suggests he had the support of someone behind him. After news of the massacres at Hailanpao and the Sixty-Four Villages East of the River reached Tokyo, Duke Konoe publicly criticized the Yamagata Cabinet's foreign policy. Konoe argued that the Yamagata Cabinet was turning Japan into a vassal state of white people, targeting fellow yellow-skinned people of the same race and language. He questioned whether, after the Russians occupied Manchuria, they wouldn't harbor any inappropriate intentions towards the Korean Peninsula or Japan.

Under criticism led by the Duke of Konoe, the Nationalist Party launched another round of propaganda attacks against the warlord politics. They repeatedly exaggerated the massacres carried out by Russia in Hailanpao and the Sixty-Four Villages East of the River, as well as the Russian invasion of Manchuria, in order to incite anti-Russian sentiment among the people and direct this sentiment at the current government.

When Yamagata was overwhelmed by public opinion, he naturally wouldn't be friendly towards Foreign Minister Aoki. Although his style was to protect his own people, even if they made a huge mess, he would help clean it up first, he was quite dissatisfied with Foreign Minister Aoki's actions this time. This was because Russia's invasion of Manchuria had damaged the image he had cultivated in the eyes of the public as a defender of Japan.

After receiving Yamagata's wrath, Foreign Minister Aoki naturally wouldn't give his subordinates in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs any pleasantries, immediately giving these newly appointed officials a severe dressing-down. Under such pressure, the new officials, who had initially tried to use international law to counter the old guard's politics, immediately changed their attitude and finally implemented Ito Hirobumi's proposal to preserve China in diplomacy.

In early June, governments of various countries had passed a decree to jointly send troops to China. However, due to Ito Hirobumi's opposition, Japan did not deploy a large force, and the number of troops it sent was similar to that of the United States. The United States sent 2100 troops from the Philippines to Tianjin, while the Japanese sent 2050 troops. The Russian army ranked first with 4800 troops, and the British army ranked second with 3000 troops.

Relying on the Manchurian Railway, the Russians easily mobilized nearly 5,000 men, which attracted the attention of various countries. Britain was quite critical of Japan for sending only 2000 troops, but the Japanese side remained silent because the opinions of Japanese generals were hardly listened to in the Allied forces, and the Japanese soldiers were ridiculed for their short stature and outdated equipment.

Before the expedition, Japanese generals believed that this expedition to China was a great opportunity for Japan to join the ranks of the great powers and demonstrate its strength. However, after arriving in Tianjin, they found that their ideals and reality were far apart. The Allied forces did not treat them as soldiers at all. Instead, the Japanese army was used as logistical support for the Allied forces. In fact, the status of Japanese generals was not as high as that of Austria-Hungary and Italy. The troops sent by these two countries were 50 and 53 people respectively, which were actually the guards of the consulates in Tianjin.

Lieutenant General Seymour, the Allied commander who led the initial attack on Beijing, was repelled by Chinese rioters, forcing the British to relinquish the Allied command to the Russians. Russian General Leonvich underestimated the Japanese, especially since he believed that Japan, which was so close at hand, could only send two thousand men, demonstrating Japan's insufficient mobilization capacity, which further diminished his respect for the Japanese.

Only at this point did Japanese generals begin to heed secret orders from home, adopting a perfunctory attitude towards the invasion of China. Because of this perfunctory approach, Tianjin held out for a week longer than historically had, finally falling to the Allied forces on July 21st.

Of course, the fall of Tianjin was inevitable, as opinions on war and defense were divided among the Qing court's upper echelons. Those advocating war were mostly members of the imperial family, while those advocating peace were mostly Han Chinese officials. The imperial family was ignorant of military affairs and the international situation; their war was not about resisting foreign powers but rather an anti-foreign conflict for power and profit. The Han Chinese officials were unwilling to waste their strength fighting foreigners, thus allowing the imperial family to benefit. Therefore, during the defense of Tianjin, the Qing army suffered from internal command disunity and received no external reinforcements. After the death of Nie Shicheng, loyal to the court, the fall of Tianjin was only a matter of time, while Yuan Shikai, with 8000 of the best troops in the north, watched from the sidelines in Shandong.

It was at this time that Japan proposed to foreign diplomats in Tianjin the preservation of China. Japan's proposal to preserve China was met with a strong response from enlightened Chinese people, who believed that the actions of various countries in protecting their citizens in the north were justified, but that this unrest could not be a reason to punish China.

However, Japan's claims were met with fierce opposition from Russia and Germany. At that time, the German Emperor was sending a Chinese expeditionary force of tens of thousands of men to China to avenge the killing of the German minister.

Chapter Thirty-Eight: The Troubles of the British

Faced with Japan's diplomatic proposition to preserve China, British diplomats in China and the British Foreign Office at home reacted very differently. The British Consul-General in Shanghai, Sir John Hobbes, on the one hand, induced the two governors-general of the Yangtze River to protect foreign nationals from the anti-foreign war, and on the other hand, he ordered the British warship HMS Fairy to go to Wuhan to protect the nationals, attempting to expand British power in the Yangtze River basin.

However, the Marquess of Salisbury, the British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, did not approve of the actions of the diplomats in China in attempting to expand the war in China. He opposed the demonstration by British warships entering the Yangtze River and demanded that the diplomats in China inform the governors that if cooperation was necessary to protect the lives and property of Europeans, Her Majesty's warships would be prepared to cooperate with them or support their measures to maintain order.

The Marquess of Salisbury was very wary of Russia’s actions in the Far East. He did not agree with the Russians’ claim that only Russia and Britain had significant interests in China. He instructed his diplomats in China to pay attention to Japan’s advantageous geographical location, as Japan’s intentions would be of paramount importance in resolving the Far East’s predicament.

Previously, when Li Hongzhang attempted to travel north to resolve the crisis in North China, he inquired through the Chinese Minister to Britain with the Marquess of Salisbury whether, despite the incident of the Dagu Forts firing on foreign troops without orders from the Beijing government, the various countries considered themselves to be at war with the Chinese government. If the countries perceived a state of war, his trip to Beijing would be futile. Conversely, he believed he could restore order and suppress the Boxers.

In response, the Marquess of Salisbury responded positively to Li Hongzhang's probing, replying to the Chinese minister that if such a situation did indeed occur, there was no reason to believe that a state of war existed, and advising Li Hongzhang to be careful about his safety when traveling north.

With the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact in place and Li Hongzhang heading north to prepare for the chaos in North China, the Marquess of Salisbury finally put aside the matter of rescuing Beijing diplomats and turned his attention to postwar affairs. Because Japan refused to send more troops, even though he offered Britain one million pounds to Japan through his minister to Japan if Japan quickly dispatched a force of 20,000 men to China, the Japanese still politely declined.

As an imperialist, the Marquess of Salisbury could not tolerate any action that challenged the British Empire; otherwise, he would not have supported the Boer War. However, it was the Boer War that tied down hundreds of thousands of British troops. Even though the British army had advanced into Pretoria, the long supply lines from Cape Town to Pretoria were attacked by the still-resisting Boers.

The British Empire defeated the Boer army head-on, but the Boers were still there. Unless the British Empire exterminated all the Boers, the war would never end. A mere few hundred thousand Boers had already put the British Empire in a dilemma. If that country in the East with a population of 4 million were to follow the Boers' example and wage a similar war, where would Britain find an even larger army to suppress the Chinese?

The Japanese indifference made the Marquess of Salisbury feel threatened in the Far East, as he was unsure who Britain's true allies were there. When the German Emperor dispatched his massive expeditionary force to China, the Russians immediately expressed their respect and indicated their willingness to submit to German command.

Meanwhile, news of the Russian massacres in Hailanpao and the Sixty-Four Villages East of the Heilongjiang River reached Europe, turning what was originally a righteous army protecting its citizens into yet another invasion of China. The Russian actions were enraging the Chinese. Southern China, which had been relatively stable under the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement, saw its population launch indiscriminate attacks against foreigners after the massacres in Hailanpao and the Sixty-Four Villages East of the Heilongjiang River were exposed.