Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 80

We have analyzed industrial products from various countries and believe that the reason why German products cannot compete with British and American products outside the European market is almost never a matter of quality, but rather a matter of price.

If German goods could be reduced in price, people would still prefer to buy them. Even if German goods could see a significant price reduction and a slight decrease in quality, people would still choose them… We believe this is the focus of our next phase of cooperation with German industry, and also the most appropriate way for us to repay our loans…”

Franz Krupp was immediately lost in thought. He had always wanted to expand the Chinese market for German goods, but he had never really thought about using Chinese labor to enhance the competitiveness of German goods in the world market. But the idea was indeed very interesting.

Chapter 279 Don’t worry

After Cai E and Fu Cixiang boarded the Hankou Wharf, they immediately saw Tian Junyi waiting for them. Tian Junyi also saw the two of them, and after shaking hands with them, he excitedly said, "Welcome home."

Cai E responded enthusiastically, "If the British hadn't stopped me, I would have been home half a month ago. You've really made a big splash; I'm starting to regret going to Berlin."

Tian Jun laughed heartily, then put his arms around the two men's shoulders and walked towards the carriage by the roadside, saying, "What's there to regret? There's plenty of work to be done; we're just waiting for you to come back. Now let's go back and have a meeting to explain the current situation and then arrange your work..."

Although they hadn't even put down their luggage, Cai E and Fu Cixiang had no objections. They had rushed back so eagerly to participate in this momentous revolution. Although the revolution couldn't completely overthrow the Qing Dynasty yet, it had undoubtedly taken a solid step forward. After all, no revolutionary party had ever been able to control a county before, but they now controlled a province.

The Military Commission actually had quite a few members, but now these members had been assigned to various places to oversee the military, so there were not many military commissioners left in Wuhan. Cai E and Fu Cixiang soon understood why the Party needed them to rush back to preside over military work. The main reason was that the Party and the army had difficulty convincing each other on the issues of reorganizing and expanding the army.

Party Central Committee members, represented by Tian Junyi, believed that although Hubei was still besieged by various forces, it had not yet reached a critical juncture of life and death. Therefore, they argued that they should take advantage of the window of opportunity presented by the mutual restraint among the great powers to strengthen industrial development and orderly expand the size of the army. However, a group of military cadres argued that Russia had already reached their doorstep; if they didn't expand the army now, what if Beijing couldn't hold them off?

Although he had just returned to China and hadn't even finished a cup of hot tea, Cai E still took the initiative to speak, saying, "Although I have only recently returned to China and am not yet familiar with military matters, I believe that blindly expanding the military is not advisable."

Although I only attended military school in Europe for a year, I did learn about the Russian army. According to German investigation reports on the Russian army, while junior officers and soldiers lacked sufficient training, young Russian officers still possessed good military skills. They had received a complete military education, just like German army officers, and had risen through the ranks from junior military academies. Their education was no different from that of German officers.

If we blindly expand our army size before we have a clear understanding of the Russian army's combat capabilities, we will not only waste our limited weapons and equipment, but also be unable to organize a reliable army capable of fighting on the main battlefield.

Think about it: the Qing government had previously expanded its army on a large scale, but when the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded, how many Qing soldiers actually obeyed the Qing government's orders and fought tenaciously against the Eight-Nation Alliance?

Despite having superior numbers, the Gansu Army couldn't capture Dongjiaomin Lane. Yuan Shikai joined the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact. Nie Shicheng suppressed the Boxers until the Eight-Nation Alliance bombarded the Dagu Forts. After his death, the army immediately disintegrated.

I support Committee Member Tian's view. The most important aspects of the military are organization and discipline. We should immediately transfer our military officers to Wuhan in batches for training, and then reorganize the various military units to break away from the current situation where the military and government are not separated. The military must obey the leadership of the Party, and all armed forces must obey the leadership of the Military Commission; otherwise, their legitimacy should not be recognized…”

Cai E's speech received support from Tian Junyi, Fu Cixiang, and others. Although Cai E and Fu Cixiang had only recently returned from abroad, they were already members of the army, and their statements were more persuasive to Tian Junyi. Although Tian Junyi relied on the labor unions to control the Wuhan militia, which was the basis for the Red Army's absolute dominance in Wuhan, the army still wielded considerable power outside of Wuhan.

After all, what was launched in Wuhan this time was not a completely violent revolution, but at least it could be considered a mutiny. The army played a dominant role in this action, and some troops stationed outside Wuhan were not very fond of the model of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. They believed that the successful uprising was mainly due to the role of the army and workers. They could accept the establishment of a Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in Wuhan, but they were somewhat unhappy about having a committee in areas outside Wuhan to manage the army.

For some officers, although they had little loyalty to the Qing Dynasty, their enthusiasm for the revolution only lasted until the revolution broke out. They didn't really think much about what to do after the revolution, but they always felt that since they had risked their lives to follow the uprising in Wuhan, there must be some benefits.

They didn't mind if Tian Junyi or Tang Caichang were appointed as Grand Commander or Commander-in-Chief, but at least they should be rewarded for their contributions and given a minor position as Grand Commander or Military Governor, so that their risking their lives for this revolution wouldn't be in vain.

Although this trend of thought within the military was forcibly suppressed under the strong leadership of Wuhan, after defeating the imperial army marching south and sinking the warships of the foreign powers attempting to attack Wuhan, these men finally became more subdued and acknowledged that the Workers' Party did indeed have the power to lead a revolution. However, faced with Russia's declaration of war against the Qing Dynasty, they couldn't help but become restless again, thinking that after expanding their army, they might be able to send a force out to seize a territory and become local tyrants.

After all, the saying, "When Qin lost its deer, the whole world chased after it, and those with the best talent and the fastest feet got it first," is deeply ingrained in people's minds. And there has never been a shortage of ambitious individuals who abandoned their studies to join the new army or wanted to defect to the revolutionaries. Moreover, the Qing Dynasty had not yet fallen, and the Workers' Party had not truly accomplished its great feat of taking its place; why shouldn't others be allowed to take a chance?

Although Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan were able to control the thinking within the party and keep it moving forward, they could not change the mindset of those outside the party who had a sense of being meritorious. This was a major reason why Tian Junyi advocated easing relations with Britain and temporarily shifting to construction. The Labour Party, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress all needed time to clarify the minds of those who refused to move forward.

However, some comrades, fearing the threat posed to Wuhan by the imperial court and foreign powers, believed that they should seize this rare period of peace to expand military preparedness in preparation for the next attack by the imperial court and foreign powers. This caused ideological confusion within the party and the army. Cai E and Fu Cixiang, who were already high-ranking officers in the army, undoubtedly provided Tian Junyi with strong support by expressing their views.

Of course, some committee members also expressed anxiety about whether the court could stop the Russian army's offensive. Cai E also gave a solution: "I just heard from the committee members that the old commander of the Yi Army, Ma Yukun, has requested us to purchase military equipment and ammunition because he has received orders from the court to defend the area from Zhangjiakou, Dushikou to Guihua City."

I believe we should support General Ma, because resisting foreign aggression is also our principle. We cannot shout about resisting foreign aggression while refusing to provide aid to the army that is willing to go north to resist the Russian army. This goes against our principles.

Of course, our support for the Yi Army shouldn't stop with just providing weapons and ammunition; we should also send personnel to join them in battle. This will allow us to assess the true strength of the Russian army and train our military officers. After all, if the imperial court truly cannot withstand the Russian army, it will be our turn to step in.

Cai E's proposal to support the Yi Army received considerable support from the committee members. Previously, their main concern about granting the Yi Army's request was that they might use the weapons to attack them instead. However, Cai E's words alleviated their worries. Compared to the Yi Army using weapons to attack Wuhan, they felt it was far more unacceptable to withhold support and allow them to be wasted on the front lines by the Russian army.

Tian Junyi agreed with Cai E's proposal, but he added a few points. He thought that helping the Yi Army was fine, but they should also deal with the Qing soldiers under their command. Previously, there were Qing soldiers in Henan, Hunan, and Hubei who had been captured for supporting the court's resistance against the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee. Releasing these people might make them a local menace, but executing them wouldn't be such a serious crime.

Although the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army was expanding, it didn't need these veterans, fearing they would corrupt the army's morale. Therefore, Tian Junyi advocated handing these people over to the Yi Army to deal with; the Yi Army clearly had ways to deal with these veterans.

Furthermore, he also advocated sending some Manchus to Beijing, stating, "...Manchu men are guaranteed a stable job from birth, so from this perspective, they clearly cannot be considered civilians. If they were treated as war criminals, there would be no problem legally, but from a social perspective, it would be a losing proposition."

Therefore, we cannot simply support them for nothing; we must also give them a choice. Since they are on guaranteed employment, when the Russians invade, they will naturally have to go to the battlefield first. Those who refuse to go to the battlefield or choose to remain civilians can, of course, have their guaranteed employment abolished…”

The meeting lasted for nearly three hours, ending as dusk approached. However, the meeting resolved many issues and added Cai E and Fu Cixiang to the Military Commission, which greatly strengthened the Party's power within the Military Commission.

After the meeting, Tian Junyi hosted a welcome dinner for the two men in the committee's small dining room. It was a simple working meal with four dishes and a soup. Tian Junyi didn't drink alcohol, but he prepared a small jar of Shaoxing wine for them. Looking at the food and wine in front of him, Cai E breathed a sigh of relief and said, "On the ship back to China, I was really concerned about what Comrade Lin said. Now I feel a little relieved."

Tian Jun smiled slightly upon hearing this, clearly knowing what Cai E was referring to. However, Fu Cixiang, who was standing to the side, asked curiously, "What did Comrade Lin say that made you so concerned, Brother Cai?"

Cai E then said, “Comrade Lin said that no matter how brutal the enemy is, or how difficult the revolutionary process is, our comrades can still rely on their faith to persevere. But once the revolutionary situation improves, some of our comrades may forget their faith in the face of the enemy’s sugar-coated bullets, and that will be the most dangerous moment for the revolution.”

I'd always been a little skeptical of that statement. We'd weathered the toughest times; how could we possibly be swayed by the enemy's sweet-coated bullets when the revolutionary situation was so favorable? But after today's meeting, I understand a bit better. The revolution isn't even won yet, and some comrades are already thinking about rewards and recognition. If even we ourselves think like that, then the revolution is truly doomed. Fortunately, most of our comrades are still clear-headed. If Junyi had arranged for us to go to some brothel for a welcome feast today, I wouldn't have been able to eat…”

Chapter 280 Nepal's Military Intervention

In early April 1905, Chandra Sumsheer finally accepted Sir Curzon's request and mobilized an army of 4 men, led by his eldest son and several brothers. However, his eldest son was not only inexperienced in military affairs but also too young to command the army. Chandra himself could not leave Kathmandu and was unwilling to hand over military power to his brothers, thus creating this strange situation.

The young King Prithvi Beale verbally opposed the expedition, pointing out to his prime minister, "We have an agreement with China to fight against the British, and we have sworn our loyalty to the Qing Emperor. Sending troops to attack the Chinese is tantamount to betraying our allies and the Qing Emperor."

Although Chandra Sumsher knew the King was right, he still needed British support and argued, "We are only allied with Tibet against the British invasion. In principle, we are not allies with China. Now that Chinese troops have invaded Lower Sikkim in British India, this is not within the scope of our alliance with Tibet. Furthermore, the Shannan Military and Political Committee is not loyal to the Qing Emperor; they are republicans. Therefore, our dispatch of troops at Sir Curzon's request does not violate the alliance or our loyalty to the Qing Emperor."

Pritvi looked at him calmly and said, "But isn't that against morality?"

Chandra was speechless. He realized that the aging king was no longer as weak as he had been a few years ago. When he ousted his brother, the 20-something Prithvi did not dare to question him. Clearly, the infighting within the Rana family had instilled in this adult king a desire to challenge him.

Chandela ended the conversation by saying that military matters should not be the king's concern. After leaving the palace, Prithvi summoned his confidant and instructed him: "Send a meal to the Chinese envoy and convey my apologies to him, because Prime Minister Rana has rejected peace."

He Guangxie stayed in the private residence of a Tibetan merchant near Durbar Square, which was far from the Narayanhiti Palace where the King of Nepal resided and the Lion Palace where Chandela lived. This was because Chandela refused to recognize him as a legitimate Chinese envoy, mainly to prevent He Guangxie from questioning him in his capacity as a Chinese envoy.

The Rana family ruled Nepal for half a century. Although their rule was beginning to solidify, continuous internal strife within the Rana family was causing their prestige to decline rapidly, and various political forces within the country were questioning the legitimacy of Chandela's rule. To counter these doubts, Chandela built himself a European-style palace, touted as the most magnificent European-style building in Asia, costing $1500 million.

This prime ministerial residence, known as the Lion Palace, actually represented Chandela's ambition. He attempted to distinguish himself from the previous Rana rulers and truly establish the Rana family as the Rana dynasty. Before this, although the Rana family held the position of prime minister hereditarily, it was nominally only legitimate with the king's authorization. This was the basis for his coup attempt, which required the king to order the removal of his brother from the prime ministership and appoint him as prime minister.

By constructing the Lion Palace, Chandela's official residence not only became the most magnificent architectural complex in the entire Kathmandu Valley, but also conveniently usurped the authority and sanctity of the Narayanhiti Palace. In this power transition, Chandela naturally did not want to hear any voices questioning him, especially those from external authorities.

China and Britain are both major powers to Nepal, and their every move can trigger political waves in Nepal. After all, the Rana family has reached its current position by relying on the military and external support. Once they lose these two supports, someone else can replace the Rana family.

After the Chinese defeated the British army in Tibet, anti-Rana forces in Nepal began to lean towards China. At this time, having a Chinese envoy appear in Kathmandu was clearly detrimental to Chandela's rule. Moreover, He Guangxie was there to demand justice on behalf of China, which Chandela found even more unacceptable, despite his violation of the alliance with Tibet.

He Guangxie accepted King Pritvy's offer and learned of Chandela's military intervention, so he sent a telegram to Darjeeling. Darjeeling, meanwhile, officially received the British ultimatum to dissolve the armistice, demanding the abolition of the illegal Shannan Military and Political Committee and the restoration of the border status quo before December 1903.

Upon seeing the ultimatum sent by the British, Wu Luzhen found it utterly ridiculous. Holding the ultimatum, he addressed the committee members at the meeting, saying, "Look at these laughable British! Before December 1903, they still claimed control of the Yatung Valley. This is clearly a demand for us to obediently retreat to the plateau and hand over Sikkim and Bhutan. They failed to defeat us on the battlefield, yet they want us to automatically admit defeat at the negotiating table..."

The other committee members were also very dissatisfied, but they all believed that since Britain dared to issue such an ultimatum, it must have been prepared to attack. They wondered whether the Shannan Military and Political Committee could withstand the attack that the British were about to launch.

After listening to everyone's remarks, Lin Xinyi spoke up, saying, "From this ultimatum, we can actually see some changes in the British attitude. In the past, the British would send troops first and then issue an ultimatum, but this time they issued the ultimatum first and then sent troops. It is clear that the British are still somewhat wary of our strength."

Lin Xinyi's words caused the committee members present to burst into laughter, and the tension caused by the British ultimatum dissipated considerably. After the laughter subsided, Lin Xinyi continued, "The spring tea and spring planting are over, so the British attack was within our expectations. After all, their main force attacking us this time is the Nepalese army, not ourselves."

Therefore, this time we need to further understand the British forces below the mountain and conduct a diversionary tactic against the British troops entering the mountain. Our main opponent this time is the Nepalese. Once we defeat the Nepalese, dealing with the British will be much easier…”

Lin Xinyi's proposal received support from everyone. After several encounters with the British, everyone realized that the British were not good at fighting in the mountains and forests. The complex mountain environment also weakened the British's advanced weapons to the minimum, preventing them from exerting their firepower advantage.

Therefore, the British army relied heavily on the Gurkhas in high-altitude and forest warfare. However, there were only four regiments of Gurkhas in the entire British army. British regiments were training units, not combat units, with each regiment consisting of about a thousand men. In combat, companies were drawn from each regiment to form combat units. In previous battles, the British army had lost at least two to three thousand Gurkhas. At this point, it was obviously unrealistic to rely on the remaining Gurkhas to attack the southern mountains.

Without the Gurkhas, familiar with the mountains and forests, as the main force of the British army, the British would have to pay a heavy price to reach Darjeeling. Meanwhile, the Southern Sikkim Military and Political Committee had at least initially established a base in the Lower Sikkim region. Locals made up more than half of the newly formed troops. They were quite familiar with the local terrain, and after a period of guerrilla warfare training, they all felt that they could use a small force to contend with a British army several times their size in this area.

In other words, the focus of the struggle between the Shannan Military and Political Committee and the British was no longer limited to Darjeeling and Kalimpong, but rather to control the entire Lower Sikkim region. However, the British were clearly unaware of this, still clinging to the wishful thinking that capturing Darjeeling and Kalimpong would allow them to reclaim Lower Sikkim.

In preparation for a British attack, the Shannan Military and Political Committee evacuated people from villages near the foot of the mountain, including not only those around Sukna, but also those along the main roads connecting Bhutan to the plains below.

On April 10, British troops re-entered Sukna, effectively breaking the ceasefire agreement with the Shannan Military and Political Committee. Colonel Douglas Haig personally organized the offensive. Learning from Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mellis's failure, he decided to follow the Boer War approach, advancing layer by layer and establishing concentration camps to send the mountain people down the mountain to control them, thus depriving the Chinese of local support.

Colonel Haig made no attempt to conceal his words to his men: “Wherever we pass through, we must ensure that the Chinese cannot infiltrate or receive help from the locals. Therefore, we must completely destroy the villages in these areas, centrally manage the population of these areas, and burn down their villages so that the Chinese army cannot obtain supplies and guides.”

To ensure the success of the offensive plan, Colonel Haig mobilized ten battalions of British troops as the force advancing from Sukner. Colonel Haig also ignored the request of Lieutenant Colonel Charles Townsend of the Eastern Defense District, who requested reinforcements and a subsequent advance from Jaigahorn to Kalimpong—essentially a two-pronged attack—but Colonel Haig rejected the lieutenant colonel's suggestion due to insufficient manpower.

So were the British forces truly insufficient? The answer is yes. Colonel Haig deployed nearly 15 battalions along the banks of the Teesta River, and then mobilized another 12 battalions to launch an attack on Darjeeling and Kalimpong, with 10 battalions at Sukna and 2 battalions at Jaija-Oun. It can be said that almost all of the British Indian Army's mobile forces were used here.

If troops were to be redeployed to other regions, it would create a window of opportunity where the British army would be unable to control the local areas. However, British India at that time was by no means a peaceful period. Mass protests against the partition of Bengal had begun to spread to other parts of India, and the protests against the partition of Bengal were beginning to transform into a form of resistance by the Indian people against British colonial rule.

Under such circumstances, Lord Kitchener would naturally not accept any proposal for a two- or three-pronged attack. After all, he had already paid the Kingdom of Nepal to fight for the Indian government. The key to this battle was the speed of the Nepalese advance, not the British attack method. The lieutenant colonel was merely trying to gain the honor of defeating the Chinese.

However, Lieutenant Colonel Charles Townsend saw it differently. He believed that this was the Commander-in-Chief's retaliation and suppression for his comments to reporters, thus prematurely announcing the British defeat. He told reporters, "...hoping that the Gurkhas would bring us victory is nothing but the Lord's wishful thinking, and Colonel Haig's gradual advance strategy is nothing but a cowardly act of losing courage."

The Chinese were right there. If we launched a full-scale attack on Darjeeling and Kalimpong, the Chinese forces simply couldn't handle a multi-pronged assault. They would inevitably be overwhelmed and ultimately defeated. But the colonel's plan gave the Chinese the opportunity to defeat us piecemeal, and that was the beginning of our downfall…”

Chapter 281 Kathmandu Riot

Aurobindo stayed in Darjeeling for a little over half a month before coming down the mountain. While busy with the inaugural issue of "Salute to the Motherland," he also worked with educated youth like Jadin to reorganize the Samiti organization. After exchanging ideas with Lin Xinyi for half a month, Aurobindo also realized that the national independence movement could not truly gain the long-term support of the masses if the self-liberation consciousness of different working classes were united.

Therefore, after returning to Calcutta, he began to call on the members of the Samiti organization to pay attention to the people living on the land beneath their feet, to go among the laborers to understand their suffering and needs, and that only by helping these people at the bottom of society get rid of their fate of being exploited and bullied could the Indian nation break free from its fate of being colonized.

Under Aurobindo's leadership, the Samiti organization also established various departments and transferred some illegal actions to a separate secret group. This secret group did not have any horizontal communication with other departments and only obeyed the instructions of the General Council. The other departments would provide this group with funding, intelligence and legal support for its operations.

Through this classification, the Samiti organization was at least formally in compliance with the laws of British India, and it also had a way to recruit intermediaries. Although most Indian independence activists came from intellectual circles, those intellectuals who truly had the courage to join the Samiti organization were ultimately a minority.

Intellectuals who supported the moderate faction of the Congress Party remained in the majority. They hoped to dissolve British colonial rule in India without bloodshed and criticized the extremists' advocacy of armed struggle, believing it would only bring misfortune to India. The reorganized Samiti Organization, however, aligned perfectly with the views of these intellectuals, advocating for Indian independence but within the bounds of legality.

Aurobindo soon discovered that the reorganized Samiti organization was developing extremely rapidly, achieving in one month what it had accomplished in the previous two years. However, the Samiti organization had not actually abandoned armed struggle; it had simply handed it over to a more determined group of people.

Meanwhile, the Samiti organization, which had been confined to cities and developed among intellectuals, began to spread to the urban lower classes and rural areas. Riding the wave of the movement against the partition of Bengal, all Indian nationalist groups were rapidly growing, and the Samiti organization naturally benefited from this momentum, only now its slogans were more appealing.

Previously, the Samiti organization mainly focused on the issue of national independence, which was actually difficult to attract workers and farmers. The anti-partition plan for Bangladesh was less about defending the integrity of Bangladesh and more about venting the resentment of the Bangladeshi people for years of British colonial rule. The Samiti organization proposed reducing workers' working hours, increasing workers' income, and reducing farmers' rent and usurious interest, which quickly rallied the labor force that rose up against British colonial rule to its side.

Indian workers actually suffer even more than Indian tenant farmers. Before electricity was introduced to India, a day in an Indian factory was calculated in 12 hours. However, after electricity was introduced to India, the working hours of workers increased to 14 to 15 hours, but the workers' wages did not increase much.

In other words, India's industrial development was slow and its workforce was not large enough to form a powerful social class. After all, Britain viewed British India as a source of raw materials and a market for them, not an industrial center.

By 1901, India had 190 cotton textile factories with more than 493 million spindles. While this was better than China's, India's cotton textile industry was suppressed for a cotton-producing region under British rule.

Just look at the industrial output of another British colony, Canada, and you'll know who London truly considered its own. Canada's electricity generation is almost identical to that of mainland Britain, and in terms of population ratio, Canada's per capita industrial output is already on par with that of mainland Britain.

Aurobindo also set up a radio manufacturing company, intending to produce and assemble radios in Calcutta. However, the real purpose was to cultivate Samiti's secret communications station and provide radio parts for the Shannan Military and Political Committee. For the Shannan Military and Political Committee, the focus of cooperation with Samiti's organization was intelligence and smuggling. In the continuous combat environment, radio parts were worn out quite quickly, which was an urgent problem to be solved.

However, just as Aurobindo began placing orders with Europe, the British army launched an offensive against Shannan. This worried a group of Samiti members, who feared that the Shannan Military and Political Committee would not be able to withstand the attack from both the British and Nepalese armies. After all, the Shannan Military and Political Committee was at a disadvantage no matter what.

While Aurobindo and others were anxious about Shannan, Lin Xinyi felt the situation was excellent. Not only did he think so, but the members of the Shannan Military and Political Committee also shared this view. This was because when the tribes in the eastern mountainous regions of Nepal heard that Kathmandu had sent troops to the eastern mountains, their first reaction was not to support the army, but to contact the Shannan Military and Political Committee, requesting a joint effort to deal with the Rana family's private army.

This was precisely one of the changes Lin Xinyi had been waiting for. His previous reluctance to attack Nepal first stemmed from his concerns about the stance of the tribes in the eastern mountainous regions of Nepal. In his view, these tribes were no different from the chieftains of Kham. They nominally obeyed the central government and were willing to pay tribute, but if you sent troops into their territory, they would become restless, fearing that you would seize their land.

If they were to attack Kathmandu first, these tribes might ally with Kathmandu against the Shannan Military and Political Committee. However, they also fear that Kathmandu might use this opportunity to abolish the hereditary chieftain system. Last time, Kathmandu cooperated with the British army in attacking Sikkim, causing considerable harm to the tribes in the eastern mountains. And this time, when the British army was on a expedition to Tibet, Kathmandu forced them to provide yaks and porters, without paying any compensation.

Now that Kathmandu has once again sent a large army to attack Darjeeling, these tribes feel they can no longer tolerate it. If the Chinese are driven away, they will be caught in a pincer movement between Kathmandu and the British, and will have no choice but to continue allowing the British to traffic people in their area.

Although some tribal leaders were aware of the plight of the indentured laborers taken to the Darjeeling tea plantations by the British, they pretended not to know in order to gain profit. However, many more tribes were genuinely unaware of the plight of these indentured laborers. After the vigorous propaganda and liberation of the indentured laborers by the Shannan Military and Political Committee, these tribes harbored deep hatred for the Rana family and the British.

However, these tribes were well aware that their own strength was insufficient to resist the encirclement and suppression by the Rana family and the British. Only with the Chinese standing in front could they prevent the Rana family, allied with the British, from continuing to bully them. Therefore, after the deployment of troops in Kathmandu, many tribes chose to join forces with the Shannan Military and Political Committee. With the support of these tribes, the Shannan Military and Political Committee not only had a clear understanding of the movements of the Nepalese army, but also gained an additional ally.

Soon, a second change occurred. Chandra's eldest son was indeed too young to control his uncles. In addition, the roads in the eastern mountainous region of Nepal were very difficult to travel. In the Himalayan foothills, it was actually easier to travel up and down than to cross the valleys and ridges laterally.

The easiest route from Darjeeling to Kathmandu would be to descend to the Indian plains, then walk from the plains to the corresponding mountain pass and climb the mountain again. The current approach, directly traversing the eastern mountains from the Kathmandu Valley into Sikkim, still involves splitting the force into three routes, and logistical support alone presents a major problem.

Thus, when the vanguard of the Nepalese army reached the western border of Sikkim at the end of April, its rearguard had only just left the Kathmandu Valley, leaving the 4-strong army scattered along nearly 200 kilometers of mountain roads. According to Wu Luzhen, this wasn't a march; it was like herding sheep.

Based on the Nepalese army's marching patterns, Wu Luzhen suggested modifying the battle plan. Instead of the original strategy of guerrilla warfare to wear them down before launching a direct attack, the plan was to launch a central uprising and then attack their vanguard from both sides. This modification was proposed because the Nepalese army was too dispersed, rendering guerrilla warfare ineffective in containing their scattered forces.

Lin Xinyi approved the revised battle plan and telegraphed He Guangxie and Li Yuan, instructing them to notify the Gurkha Freedom League to begin operations. On May 3rd, in the square in front of the ruins of the royal palace in Patan, a group of Gurkha Freedom League members publicly condemned the Rana family's betrayal of the interests of the Kingdom of Nepal, expressed their dissatisfaction with Prime Minister Chandela's intensified oppression of the Nepalese people, and argued that Chandela should step down, the Rana family should end their rule, and power should be returned to King Prithvi.

Patan is separated from Kathmandu only by the Bagmati River, a mere 3 kilometers apart. Because it was the dry season, the river was shallow, and a pontoon bridge was sufficient for crossing. News of the Patan people's rally in the Royal Palace Square to denounce the Rana family's rule, responding to the call of the Gorkha Freedom League, quickly reached Chandela's ears.

Chandela could only send an army stationed in Kathmandu to disperse the crowd, but the protests quickly turned into a riot after the army arrived. Patan residents built barricades to prevent Chandela's army from entering the city and called on the army to stand with the people and the king. For Chandela, the situation suddenly became delicate.

Nepal has a total of 25,000 troops. After sending another 17,000 to Sikkim, and removing the troops stationed in the western and southern plains, the garrison in Kathmandu is less than 3,000. However, the population around Kathmandu exceeds 200,000. Chandela cannot allow these residents to be incited. He can only continue to send troops to suppress Patan, while he himself takes his guards to the Narayanhiti Palace in the north, trying to get the king to come out and appease the people, or rather, to take control of the king first.

Chandra was a very cautious man. After overthrowing his brother Dev's rule, he knew that there was no one he could trust in the Rana family anymore, because others could follow his example, overthrow him, and take the position of prime minister. The Lion Palace was built to move away from the old Rana family mansion, so much so that he would never sleep in the same room every night, and he would always send out guards to control the streets before he went out.

But this time, the incident happened so suddenly that Chandela didn't take control of the streets first. Under the protection of a 200-man guard, he headed north-south along the main street towards the Narayanhiti Palace, while the guards herded pedestrians into the alleys. As Chandela sat in his carriage, considering what to say to the king, he heard a loud bang, and then his carriage was overturned by a blast of air.

Chandra, his head bleeding profusely, was dragged out of the carriage by the guards. He was still frantically asking his confidants what had happened when a bullet shot out from a second-floor window on a distant street and struck him in the head, instantly taking his life.

Li Yuan briefly observed his target through his binoculars, confirming it was Chandra himself, and fired two more shots before beginning to shoot at the targets around Chandra. After running out of five bullets, he immediately dropped his rifle and went downstairs. At this time, most of the guards on the street had not yet realized that Chandra was dead; they were still fighting the members of the Gurkha Free League who had attacked them.

Chapter 282 The Changes in Nepal

After Li Yuan went downstairs, he turned a few corners along the alley on the west side and came to another main street. There, he took a carriage to a quiet residential area. This was the location of the radio station managed by Li Jun, and it was also the headquarters for commanding the riot. He Guangxie had already arrived here from his residence.

Li Yuan brought back the news of Chandra's death, which caused a stir among the Free Gurkha League members present. They clapped and celebrated. Only He Guangxie repeatedly questioned Li Yuan to confirm that Chandra had indeed been killed before stopping the Nepalese cheers, saying, "Gentlemen, now is not the time to celebrate. Although Chandra is dead, the Rana family still exists. If we do not take over the army as soon as possible, we will still not be able to overthrow the Rana family's rule when they put forward a leader."

Someone immediately suggested, "Then we should go to the palace now and bring His Majesty out, and then have him call on the army to lay down their weapons. Now that the Lana family is leaderless, the army should swear allegiance to His Majesty."

He Guangxie ruthlessly shattered their dreams: "The army relies on money to maintain loyalty. Does Your Majesty have the funds and provisions to appease the soldiers? Isn't the Gurkha treasury controlled by the Rana family? Do you think those people would obediently hand over their money and provisions so that Your Majesty could command the army to dismiss them from their posts? No, they will definitely find a member of the Rana family to be the new prime minister and then suppress the rebellion."

Please remember, our support lies outside this valley, and most of the land within it belongs to the Rana family. If we cannot ascertain the army's loyalty, our current victory will soon slip away. The Rana family can easily pull the army back, relying on their wealth.”

Then someone suggested bringing Dev Shamsheer back. Although the former prime minister was part of the Rana family, he was considered a liberal and much better than Chandela. This was clearly a supporter of the former prime minister. However, the two representatives of the Tapa and Pande families strongly opposed it. They believed that Dev Shamsheer's prestige was too high, and if he were brought back, the Rana family would probably regain control of the government, which was obviously not in their interest.

At this moment, He Guangxie couldn't help but suggest, "Why not invite General Gehendra Sumsher, the son of the former prime minister, to appease the army? He is a member of the Rana family and has a good reputation in the army, but he and Chandra are irreconcilable enemies. He has been under Chandra's surveillance and house arrest at home. I don't think he would ever avenge Chandra."

After some discussion, the leaders of the Free Gurkha League felt that the candidate proposed by He Guangxie was not out of the question. Ghendra liked scientific research and was not as enthusiastic about power as Chandra, but his identity determined that he was a threat to Chandra's position. Therefore, Chandra once wanted to exile him to the eastern mountains, but he had not yet had the chance to do so.

For many members of the Free Gurkha League, while they opposed the Rana family's monopoly of power, they also opposed transferring power to anyone else, including the current King Prithvi. Although most of them had been persecuted by the Rana family, their experiences abroad had exposed them to the harsh realities of life. They understood that while the Rana family was the one persecuting them, it was actually the Rana family that held power. They knew that if power were in the hands of anyone, even themselves, they would inevitably eliminate any dissent.

Those who joined the Free Gurkha League at least endorsed one of the most basic principles: democracy. Since the League was essentially a collection of weak forces, none of them could defeat the Rana family. Therefore, at the suggestion of the Chinese, they formed this League based on the principle of democratic deliberation. No one wanted a strong ruler unless they themselves were in power.

While they were discussing, He Guangxie couldn't help but urge them again: "Everyone should make a decision quickly. If the army reacts first and supports General Ghendra Sumsher, then we're doomed."

Urged by He Guangxie, the group reluctantly agreed to his suggestion to send General Ghendra Sumsher to pacify the army and join the alliance. He Guangxie's strong support for Ghendra Sumsher stemmed from the fact that he had already made contact with Ghendra through Subadvi Prasad.

Subhadevi Prasad was, strictly speaking, a Nepalese intellectual who supported the Rana family's rule. In fact, the Rana family's ability to firmly grasp the power in Nepal was inseparable from the support of this group of intellectuals. Nepal itself did not have a dominant culture, so it could only choose between India and Tibet. With the rise of British India, Nepalese intellectuals naturally turned to British culture.

After the Rana family allied themselves with the British, they sent their young members to study in Calcutta and even England. Chandra himself received a complete European education, which enabled him to build the Lion Palace, a structure resembling Versailles. This trend led many Nepalese nobles to study European culture and implement reforms within Nepal, abolishing many feudal obligations.

Dev was ousted from power by Chandela not because his rule offended the Nepalese people, but because his reforms were too radical and damaged the interests of the Rana family. While Chandela halted many of Dev's reforms after taking power, he did not completely stop reforms. He still maintained that Nepal needed to be civilized, otherwise it would be annexed and controlled by British India like Sikkim.

He Guangxie spent several months in Kathmandu and quickly realized that the cost of completely overthrowing the Rana family might be too high, because the Rana family had already tied themselves to the reform forces in Nepal. These reform forces might not mind replacing Rana with another one, but they would certainly oppose the hardliners coming to power and bringing Nepal back to a closed state.

As a predominantly Hindu country, Nepal cannot sever ties with British India. Furthermore, Nepal traded timber and labor with British India for a large quantity of inexpensive industrial goods, a crucial source of sustenance for the Nepalese people. Therefore, a ruling force in Nepal that completely aligns with China would neither gain the cultural support of the majority of the Nepalese population nor meet the needs of the people after the severing of trade with British India.