Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 94

Bell couldn't help but interject, "Judging from the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Europe and the United States are indeed not on our side, otherwise we wouldn't have needed the Japanese as allies. For our country, this is indeed a rather dangerous signal; the only ones willing to form an alliance with the Empire to maintain world order are people of color."

Prince George was still uneasy. He questioned, "Since no one is on the side of the British Empire, why is he telling me this? Is he doing this to help the Empire? That's ridiculous."

Bell said somewhat nervously, "He means that he is helping the Empire prove that its current foreign policy is wrong, so he hopes that the Empire can correct its mistakes."

Prince George asked in surprise, "Correct the Empire's mistakes? What does he gain from that? He's spent so much energy and time fighting the Empire just to tell us that our foreign policy is flawed? Has he gone mad?"

When Bell first heard Lin Feng say that, he thought the other party might be a little crazy. In fact, he could understand the situation. After all, the pressure on an opponent like the British Empire was unimaginable.

However, he later realized that the other party was very clear-headed, at least much more so than Sir Curzon. While recalling his conversation with Lin Feng, he repeated aloud, "Because he believes that no matter how the British Empire got to its current position, the reality is that the current international order is maintained on the hegemony of the British Empire."

If the British Empire could maintain world security and provide opportunities for developing countries, then neither India nor China, as developing countries, would have any reason not to support the British Empire in continuing to maintain world security. This was the new foundation for the diplomatic balance of the British Empire in the 20th century.

In this way, the British Empire would not be fighting against the advanced industrialized nations of Europe and America on its own, but rather leading developing countries to suppress the advanced industrialized nations, thus finding a balance between agricultural and industrial countries. The contradictions between Britain and the great powers would transform into struggles between the great powers and various backward regions, giving Britain an opportunity to exert a balance of power.

Both India and China will find their place in this new world order, so there will naturally be no need to confront the global hegemony of the British Empire by force.

Prince George found it absurd that the Empire's enemies were considering the Empire's flawed foreign policy, and he had thought about it for a long time without realizing what traps were involved. Could there be anything more absurd than this?

However, he couldn't see it, and he figured others might too, since there were plenty of smart people in the British Empire. So he said to Bell, "Do you really think what he said is feasible? But why are you telling me this? Government affairs are not something I can interfere with."

Bel sincerely addressed the Crown Prince, saying, “Your Highness will inherit the throne sooner or later. Expressing your opinions on foreign policy is, in my opinion, interference in government affairs. Moreover, Your Highness is the heir to the Indian Emperor, and having you speak on matters beneficial to the Indian people will help maintain your prestige. As for whether this suggestion is feasible, I have studied it repeatedly and see no harm it would do to the Empire…”

While the People's Committee was rapidly expanding its power, Lin Xinyi convened a Central Committee meeting to raise his views on some issues in the current work. The main point was that the revolutionary situation was developing too quickly, leading to the infiltration of some opportunists into the revolutionary ranks and resulting in some ultra-leftist errors.

He stated at the meeting: "...Some comrades believe that all landlords are Hindus, so overthrowing the landlord class means overthrowing Hinduism; others believe that religion is the embodiment of feudal ideology, and all religions should be overthrown... Religious and ethnic relations are secondary contradictions subordinate to class relations. Although correct class struggle can resolve religious and ethnic contradictions, we cannot treat all problems as contradictions between ourselves and the enemy, otherwise our enemies will unite..."

Although Lin Xinyi poured cold water on the enthusiasm of the People's Commissars, it was clear that correcting the actions of the comrades below could not be done in a short time. Therefore, he had to intensify the literacy campaign and the training and education of party cadres, even forcibly halting some outward expansion activities. For those Indian revolutionary youths, they saw the dawn of the future for the first time, and thus thought that they would revolt today and drive the British out tomorrow. This eagerness led to the revolutions in many areas being considered a victory merely by driving out the British, without establishing any stable local organizations.

Lin Xinyi, of course, could not accept this phenomenon. He severely criticized such a "revolution" and warned the members of the Labour Party of India that "the goal of the Labour Party is to oppose imperialism, colonialism and feudalism. It is to overthrow the old society where one person oppresses another and establish a new era where everyone is equal, not to drive out the British and become the masters themselves."

If we do that, the people will soon abandon us, and the British will soon return. What we need is not for an Indian lord to replace the British lord, continuing the cycle of India where the people are treated like slaves. That is absolutely not the outcome we want in supporting the Indian Revolution…”

Some members of the Labour Party of India and the local revolutionaries could not understand why Lin Xinyi wanted to suppress the current revolutionary situation. They believed that as long as the British were driven out first, and the revolution could continue behind closed doors, it would be possible to continue. There was no need to be all-encompassing now, since their own strength was not enough to drive out the British. And since those powerful local figures were willing to stand on the side of the revolution, they should of course be accepted.

V.D. Sawaka and Tiger Jadin (who led the killing of the famous tiger) both raised their doubts with Lin Xinyi after the meeting. Lin Xinyi replied to them, "The fundamental purpose of the democratic revolution is to resist oppression, and the most important aspect of resisting oppression is the redistribution of social wealth. The people rose up with us in revolution, but after driving out the British, social wealth fell into the hands of landlords and elites. The oppressive system has not changed at all. Is this the revolution that the people need?"

Chapter 331 Anxiety

It wasn't just the Indian revolutionaries who were filled with doubt; even the comrades who crossed the Himalayas with Lin Xinyi felt that his expectations for the Indian revolution seemed too high.

For example, Li Tang (Domoto Keiichi) and Li Yuan (Kishida Gentaro) discussed this issue with him privately. They believed that it was already quite difficult for Indians to rise up against the British. If they were asked to reform the caste system, child marriage system, and the system of seclusion, many people would probably be intimidated and back down.

Lin Xinyi replied without hesitation: "What we need is a revolutionary India, not an India controlled by the landlord class under the British colonial system. The former will help us liberate Asia, while the latter will become an accomplice of the British."

We should rather go slower now, even endure temporary setbacks, than give up our perseverance; otherwise, our sacrifices will be meaningless. If we deviate from our course, the harder we work now, the further we will be from our goal.

Faced with Lin Xinyi's unwavering resolve, Li Tang, Li Yuan, and the others had no choice but to stop trying to persuade him. From Wuhan to India, he had never made a major mistake, so they naturally wouldn't question his decisions. Even if they had any doubts, they felt that perhaps they couldn't see what Lin Xinyi could see, which was why they couldn't reach his conclusions.

As for whether to carry the Indian Revolution through to the end, although everyone has their own ideas, there is a basic consensus that the achievements of the Indian Revolution must be preserved. It is unacceptable that so much effort has been put in, only to have it all go to waste once the person leaves. That is clearly not the outcome they want to see.

However, Wu Luzhen still hoped that Lin Xinyi could reveal more of his trump cards. Lin Xinyi could ignore the telegram from the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet, but he certainly couldn't completely disregard the domestic political situation.

Although the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in Wuhan withstood the pressure from the imperial court, especially after the war with Russia, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee gained considerable influence in the south, to the point that the Governor-General of Sichuan and the Minister stationed in Tibet now found it difficult to restrain their actions.

The Tibetan Military and Political Committee and the Shannan Military and Political Committee formed a new system independent of the old one, taking charge of military and political affairs related to India. This led some Tibetans to realize that the Qing Empire's system seemed to have undergone some changes. However, given the Shannan army's continuous victories in the war against India, these Tibetans could only pretend to be unaware.

However, Wu Luzhen still wanted to know what Lin Xinyi's goal was. He said to him, "Although we captured the British army's supplies, thus solving the current problem of the army's weapon losses."

But we cannot rely on fighting with enemy spoils forever. The British are, after all, a great power, and we cannot suffer such losses again and again. So, when do you intend to make peace with the British? At least you need to tell me the real terms of peace.”

Lin Xinyi could understand the anxiety his comrades were feeling. Before, because they couldn't see any hope of victory, they were just going with the flow, and no one had any major concerns. It wasn't that they didn't have doubts, but they felt that asking would be pointless, so they might as well keep moving forward. But now, the dawn of victory was in sight, and naturally, no one wanted to face defeat at this point.

If someone were not from a later era and had no concept of the British Empire, in their time when even graves of the British Empire had grown trees, how could they possibly find the British Empire so terrifying? Therefore, they would inexplicably have a sense of superiority and naturally would not find the British Empire's proposal for peace so remarkable.

However, the others did not have his psychological advantage. When the British took the initiative to sue for peace, Lin Xinyi actually made so many harsh demands, which made them anxious, wondering what Lin Xinyi was up to.

In reality, Lin Xinyi didn't have any special ideas. His purpose in proposing these conditions was to secure the best foundation for peace. Only harsh peace conditions could make the British think twice before breaking the peace treaty. A peace agreement that was easily obtained could naturally be easily torn up.

The British were adept at playing this double game. For example, in the two wars with Afghanistan, although Britain immediately proposed new peace agreements after each defeat, each peace agreement did not cripple the British. In fact, the British even gained benefits that they could not obtain on the battlefield. As a result, Britain's greed for Afghanistan never stopped.

Their current situation is similar. If they don't seize this opportunity to extract sufficient benefits from Britain, they will lose their advantageous position once the British break the agreement and launch another attack after they leave. Their departure is almost certain, given that many here are not Indians, and their understanding of internationalism is not as profound.

Lin Xinyi could only sincerely say to Wu Luzhen, "Peace will only come when both sides are unable to continue fighting. As long as either side feels that it can still win, then peace is impossible. If the British really need peace, they will definitely agree to our demands. If they still want to continue fighting, then no matter how big the concessions we make, they will find them unacceptable."

Wu Luzhen remained silent for a long time before saying, "I admit that your view on peace is correct, but will the British really accept such a demand? This seems to be no longer a request for peace, but rather asking the British to beg for mercy from us. I don't think that we have forced Britain to such a point."

Lin Xinyi, still full of confidence, said to him, "If there were only Britain and us in this world, then of course Britain would not accept such a request. But there are more than just Britain and us in this world, so the British will bow down to us sooner or later."

It's not a big deal that they refuse to back down; it just means the standoff continues. We're much stronger now than we were a year ago, and I'd like to see how long the British can hold out.

It took the Americans eight years to gain independence with the support of the French. Optimistically, it will take us eight years too; pessimistically, I think we won't be more than two eight-year periods away from victory…”

Wu Luzhen: "..."

However, it soon became clear that the British softened their stance faster than they had hoped. On December 20, Prince George delivered a speech to the people of India, which, aside from some official rhetoric, expressed regret for the civilian casualties caused by the war triggered by the Tibetan Expeditionary Force and announced that he and his wife would donate £5000 to aid civilians harmed in the war.

While this was not a formal apology from the British government and the British Royal Family, it represented a shift in the political climate. Just two days later, the Earl of Minto announced that a peace negotiation team, composed of Councilor Edward Fitzgerald, would travel to Gettyhall to negotiate peace on the Anglo-Chinese border.

While the Earl of Minto's decision garnered support from many British people in India, it also aroused confusion among many others. They couldn't understand why the Earl, who had declared upon disembarking that he would never forgive the barbarians who had violently resisted the British Empire, would suddenly become so rational as to call for peace.

Sri Aurobindo Gossa, as a journalist, accompanied the negotiating team across the Ganges and successfully delivered a batch of radio components to the People's Committee.

Upon receiving news of Gao Shi's arrival, Lin Xinyi quickly had him brought to his office, the former tax collector's office in Gettyhar. A small, English-style red-brick house nestled within a garden, the December weather was quite pleasant, so the two sat on the terrace and began their conversation.

After the two sat down and exchanged some views on the current situation in India, Gao Shi said to him, "I haven't gathered any useful information about why Count Minto turned to support peace negotiations so quickly, but I think there might be some conspiracy involved."

Lin Xinyi confidently told him, "There's definitely a conspiracy involved, such as separating us from the Indian people so they can focus on suppressing the Indian people's resistance. However, considering the bigger picture, the British aren't entirely without sincerity in wanting peace. Have you read the Times on the 12th and 14th?"

Gao Shi was somewhat confused by Lin Xinyi's question, so he could only say that although he had read it, he did not remember any special news. Lin Xinyi then went back inside and brought out two newspapers. After pointing to two articles, he said, "The newspaper on the 12th reported that the first all-heavy gun battleship had successfully completed its sea trials. Although the article was not long, The Times regarded the success of this warship as a disgrace to the Royal Navy."

The second article reports that the Emir of Kuwait has announced his agreement to allow the Baghdad railway to the Persian Gulf, but the railway will not be used for any military purposes.

Both articles essentially illustrate only one point: Germany had become Britain's most formidable challenger. At this point, Britain could no longer afford to be concerned with its conflict with my country, and naturally, it showed genuine interest in peace…

In fact, London was far more panicked than the outside world imagined about the successful sea trials of Germany's new capital ship. First Sea Lord Fisher ordered that the performance of the new capital ship be ascertained as soon as possible, while at the same time accelerating the construction plan for the battleship "Dreadnought".

After the Italians proposed a new type of warship with standardized main guns in 1903, Fisher accepted the idea and in October 1904, he led a committee to discuss and design the new warship. Although the Japanese Navy had previously proposed a new warship and hoped to gain British support, Fisher rejected the Japanese proposal.

Fisher quickly discovered that the new warship being built by the Germans was based on a Japanese design. He then soon learned about the capabilities of the Kawachi-class warship from the Japanese Navy.

Displacement: 18,873 tons (design) / 20,535 tons (maximum); five twin 280mm 45-caliber guns, arranged along a central axis, three in the front and two in the rear, with a rate of fire of 3 rounds per minute; six oil-fired boilers and six coal-fired boilers. Although Japan advocated the use of steam turbines, Germany lacked experience in using them and ultimately opted for reciprocating steam engines.

Chapter 332 Britain's Real Enemy

Although the main guns used by the Hanoi were not as good as the 12-inch main guns used by the British-designed Dreadnought, and the power source was a less efficient reciprocating steam engine, its superfiring turret design was bolder than that of the Dreadnought. Although the Dreadnought arranged the gun positions along the centerline, due to insufficient space, it still arranged one main gun on each side symmetrically between the two boiler rooms.

However, Fisher did not intend to change the design of the Dreadnought, but he still ordered research into the reliability of the superimposed turrets as a technological reserve for the future. Although the keel of the Dreadnought had been laid at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard on October 2, and the Dreadnought was already taking shape when news of the successful sea trials of the Hanoi came from Germany, Britain had fallen behind for the first time in the race to develop new naval warships.

In fact, the British didn't even need to steal the Germans' sea trial data. They could have drawn this conclusion from the design concept of the Dreadnought: the Hanoi's firepower was at least twice as destructive as previous battleships. In the past, battleships could only use their single-sided guns to fight the Hanoi. More importantly, at a distance of more than 6000 yards, the secondary guns were completely useless.

Now that the Hanoi has successfully completed its sea trials, it means that the design concept of the Dreadnought is feasible. All that's missing is a major battle to verify whether a long-range firepower confrontation can destroy a capital warship. If this concept proves viable, it means that all capital warships before the Hanoi will become obsolete, and Britain will suffer the greatest loss among naval powers.

早在1900年德国国会就通过了第二海军法，其公海舰队将拥有38艘战列舰，其目标是德国海军在1917年时超过1900年法国海军的65.25万吨位，达到当时英国海军127万吨的一半。

However, from the British Navy's perspective, the German Naval Act was a threat, but not enough to threaten the Royal Navy, since the Germans could not possibly outnumber the Royal Navy's capital ships. But the naval race among the great powers sparked by the passage of the German Naval Act truly shook the Royal Navy's dominance over the seas, which is why the British believed that Germany was challenging British maritime supremacy.

However, the appearance of the battleship Hanoi shattered the British Navy's advantage in the number of capital ships. The successful sea trials of this new warship marked that the German Navy could rely on quality to suppress the British Navy's quantity. The German Naval Act truly posed a threat to the Royal Navy.

Besides demanding an accelerated construction of HMS Dreadnought, Fisher also proposed to the cabinet that the German threat must be elevated above that of France and Russia. This was because the design of the Dreadnought had already rendered the French and Russian navies no longer a threat to the Royal Navy, but the success of the German Hanoi meant that the German Navy, like the British Navy, was ahead of other navies.

Compared to the global maritime security challenges faced by the British Navy, the German Navy only needed to contend for control of the North Sea. Losing control of the North Sea would mean that the British mainland would be directly threatened by the German Navy. If the threat of the German Navy was not eliminated within German naval ports, then Britain's nearly 300-year-old maritime hegemony would change hands.

Compared to the face of the Indian government, even India's security was not as shocking to the British as the attack on British soil by a single German shell. Although the British people sang praises of the King and the great empire all day long, the British rulers were well aware that the working class in London's Lower East Side was filled with hatred for the King and the great empire.

Therefore, in Britain, homelessness and begging are both crimes. The police can send you directly to jail and give you a fair trial. The crime of begging is generally punishable by 7-14 days in jail. Those who repeatedly fail to reform may be exiled to deserted islands overseas. The British Empire has plenty of wastelands to exile criminals.

So, to avoid being arrested as vagrants by the police, migrant workers without a place to live in London had no choice but to stay in hotels—cheap hotels specifically for the working class, with at least 40 beds in a large room. If you couldn't afford a hotel, you could stay in a coffin shop, which cost about half the price of a hotel. You would sleep in a half-finished coffin, covered with a layer of tarpaulin, freezing cold in winter, and surrounded by insects.

If you can't even afford to stay at a coffin shop, then you'll have to go to the cheapest place to spend the night. These places are only slightly better than sleeping rough. The tenants can't even lie down. They sit in a row on a bench with a rope in front of them and spend the night leaning against the rope. Someone will come and cut the rope at five in the morning.

By the way, sleeping outdoors is illegal in London. Except for the riverbanks and a couple of secluded corners, it's prohibited in most areas. In this respect, London is clearly much more civilized than Paris, because Paris doesn't have such a law, so many people sleep outdoors under every bridge over the Seine, in doorways, on benches in squares, and in the ventilation shafts of subway stations.

Although London has many shelters, some run by the government and some by churches, the law prohibits homeless people from staying in one shelter for two consecutive days. In other words, you can stay in one shelter for one night, but you have to leave for another shelter the next day. Homeless people spend most of their energy and time on this movement, leaving them with no energy or time to look for work.

This means that once a person falls into homelessness, they either become a real beggar, a criminal, or die quickly; it is almost impossible to escape this social class.

The statement that even a British beggar would stand tall for the honor of the British Empire is merely a figure of speech. Real British beggars have no concept of the honor of the British Empire; they simply dream of seeing this dark and ugly world destroyed. The British rulers are well aware of this; only the so-called middle class either don't understand or pretend not to.

Therefore, faced with the threat of a potential German invasion of the British mainland, the British rulers were immediately gripped by fear. Their fear wasn't of German warships, but of a potential revolution among the British working class, much like the French Revolution in London. Compared to this real threat, what did the safety of India matter? Thus, before Wilhelm II could even react, the British had already identified him as their greatest enemy.

Wilhelm II was thrilled by the successful sea trials of the new warships, and his naval commanders were equally excited. However, they didn't believe they could defeat the Royal Navy; rather, they thought they held a trump card that would force the British to submit. Even at this point, the Germans lacked the confidence to challenge British global hegemony. They only wanted to seize European dominance, that is, to completely subdue the French. The German Navy was viewed as a defensive force, not an offensive one.

While gloating over the troubles in British India, Wilhelm II believed that support for the Chinese should be increased. He told his confidants, "Let the Chinese continue to cause trouble in India; the longer they stay there, the less the British can point fingers at us in Europe..."

However, once the British lowered their stance, they changed their tune much faster than the rigid German Junkers. While the British Indian government sent a negotiating team to persuade the Chinese army to cease hostilities, British Minister to China, Sir John Saud, was also formally commissioned to conduct secret negotiations with the Qing government regarding the Sino-British border.

As a distinguished British diplomat, Satow's diplomatic philosophy was not about maximizing British interests, but rather about upholding the international order—the international order under the leadership of the British Empire. This was far more beneficial than allowing Britain to acquire a few pieces of land or pay more indemnities. This is why Britain did not make exorbitant demands in the Boxer Protocol, while Russia, Germany, and the United States all offered astronomical reparations compared to their losses.

Satow's own background was quite complex. He was of German and British descent, but married a Japanese woman and had a son of British and Japanese descent. As a British diplomat who experienced the Meiji Restoration firsthand, he also had many Japanese friends. Emotionally, he was closer to Japan, but diplomatically, he believed that China's independence should be guaranteed. He argued that regardless of who annexed China, it would be a disaster for the British East Asian order.

However, Satow also had to admit that in post-Boxer Rebellion China, nationalist sentiment was on the rise, and the great powers could no longer suppress this burgeoning national consciousness through the Qing government. The xenophobic sentiment among the Chinese people did not disappear with the signing of the Boxer Protocol; instead, it turned its anger towards the Qing government that signed the treaty—a unique situation that Britain had never encountered in the world before.

In British colonial history, once the upper class signed treaties ceding territory and paying reparations, the common people would lose their backbone to resist the great powers, and internal conflicts would intensify, leading to the country's fragmentation. Britain could then divide and rule. This was a tried-and-true method for Britain in India and Africa, but in the Americas, there were no native indigenous nations at all.

However, China and Japan were clearly exceptions. After suffering external attacks, these two countries actually developed a more unified sense of resistance. While Japan's Meiji Restoration can be considered its first major unification effort—even Edo-period Japan was a feudal dynasty rather than a truly unified centralized state—China, a historically centralized state, quickly and actively fostered a unified sense of resistance, much more proactively and rapidly than Japan.

The rapid establishment of the Wuhan regime was inseparable from its victories in foreign wars. Many xenophobic conservatives did not actually support Wuhan's land policies, but because Wuhan withstood the attacks of the great powers' fleets, these conservatives turned to the Wuhan regime and opposed Beijing's war against Wuhan at this time, thus giving Wuhan time to overcome its initial weakness.

Following the Boxer Rebellion, Satow had been searching for a strongman capable of suppressing xenophobic sentiment within China to replace Li Hongzhang. On the recommendation of Times journalist Morrison, Yuan Shikai came into the British spotlight. However, Satow initially believed Yuan Shikai was unsuitable because of his terrible relationship with the emperor; based on his experience in Japan, the people would not accept a government that opposed the emperor.

However, by 1905, Sadaoyi realized that Japan's experience could not be applied to China. Opposition to Manchu rule had become a trend in China, and people were concerned about how the Manchus should step down. Therefore, the conflict between Yuan Shikai and the emperor became less important, especially after the Beiyang Army repelled the Russian offensive. Sadaoyi believed that support for Yuan Shikai should be increased to counter the Wuhan regime.

Chapter 333 Yuan Shikai's Worries

News from London further reinforced Satow's idea that if China did not have a strong figure to keep order, it would soon lose its order and even face a north-south confrontation, which would obviously be detrimental to the interests of the British Empire.

Because war would wipe out decades of British influence in China, and without a central government to suppress local powers, Britain would have to expend more energy and money dealing with regional separatist forces. In this era of rising powers, Britain could no longer maintain order in East Asia.

Sadao's change of heart was indeed good news for the Beiyang military and political clique represented by Yuan Shikai. Although Beijing had lost its last fig leaf due to the Russian invasion, Yuan Shikai could not abandon Beijing, because without the central government's banner, the Beiyang clique's appeal to the people was not as strong as that of Wuhan.

Therefore, when Tang Shaoyi brought back Sadaoyi's latest terms, Yuan Shikai was indeed tempted. He had always believed that Wuhan's audacity stemmed from its support of Germany. If Britain was willing to stand behind him, then Beijing would not be so important to him. Thus, he could distance himself from the humiliating treaties that Wuhan accused the court of signing.

The conflict between North and South today is not merely a contest of strength, but also a contest of popular support, and the Qing government had long since lost the support of the people. Even the enlightened gentry advocated for a constitutional assembly to replace the Manchu autocratic court, rather than continuing to defend the Manchu Qing dynasty. The reason these enlightened gentry advocated for constitutionalism rather than revolution was because they feared that revolution would bring the lower classes to power; for example, the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee in Wuhan was practically the mortal enemy of the gentry and landlords.

If the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee treated the gentry and landlords primarily through persuasion and education before July 1905, then after July it became a completely barbaric and unreasonable violent suppression. In the eyes of these gentry and landlords, what was the difference between these so-called anti-revolutionary actions and the Yangzhou Massacre and the Jiading Massacre? The Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee confiscated the family property passed down for generations with a single document, and the peasant associations even held public denunciation and parades against the so-called local tyrants and evil gentry, trampling all the prestige and dignity of the gentry and landlords into the mud.

If they weren't truly unable to defeat the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army in Wuhan, the gentry and landlords had already tried it. Those private armed forces that attempted to resist land reform, including the long-established bandit strongholds in the mountains, were utterly useless against the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army equipped with machine guns and mortars.

Those landlords and bandits who perpetrated the massacre of peasant association activists, except for those who fled directly from the controlled areas of Wuhan, none of them escaped the trial of the revolutionary court. From August to November, the total number of local tyrants, evil gentry, and bandit leaders executed in the Huguang region exceeded 8000, more than 30,000 were sentenced to prison, and more than 100,000 were sentenced to labor re-education.

Compared to the total population of Hubei and Hunan, at least 0.25% of the population was targeted by the Anti-Counter-Revolutionary Committee. The gentry and landlords in Hubei lost almost all their power, while in Hunan, apart from the mountainous areas in the south, there were no more enlightened gentry in the plains of the lake area in the north who dared to stand up and compete for power with the Workers' Party.

This purge not only solidified the Workers' Party's control over the Hubei and Hunan regions but also expanded its influence into Henan, Jiangxi, and Sichuan. While the constitutionalists in the Jiangnan region launched verbal attacks on the Workers' Party in newspapers, the gentry and landlords in Hubei and Hunan became completely subdued, not daring to utter a single word.

Before July, the gentry and landlords in the Huguang region had tried to use the slogans of democracy and constitutionalism to demand that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee return power to the soon-to-be-established National Assembly. After all, according to foreign rules, only the National Assembly can represent the people. Since the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee claimed to be the representatives of the people, it should naturally obey the representatives truly elected by the people.

Although Yuan Shikai thought these constitutionalist gentry were simply delusional, they had no power or courage, yet they wanted to get the Workers' Party to hand over power with mere words. Wasn't that like asking a tiger for its skin? As it turned out, the facts proved his guess right. The Workers' Party not only did not hand over power, but also gave these enlightened gentry a good beating.

Yuan Shikai greatly admired the Labor Party's approach, believing it to be the kind of thing a person destined for great things should do. However, this didn't stop him from making a few words of sympathy for the enlightened gentry and support for democracy. While this wouldn't harm the Labor Party, it would at least damage their reputation.

Since the Workers' Party sank a Japanese warship on the Yangtze River and forcibly reclaimed the leased territories from Russia and Japan, the Workers' Party's reputation among the people had become exceptionally good. Even some intellectuals in the north advised them to consider reclaiming the Russian leased territory in Tianjin, since the two sides were already at war and the Qing Dynasty had every reason to do so.

But Yuan Shikai was not a member of the Workers' Party; he couldn't do something that would cut off his own escape route. After all, the Workers' Party was still just a local government and didn't need to endorse the central government's diplomatic actions. But he was different. Unless he also severed ties with Beijing, the foreign powers would only see his actions as those of the Beijing government, since he was now a Grand Councilor and Governor-General of Zhili.

Now that the Labor Party has angered the intellectuals and enlightened gentry who share the common hope of saving the nation—namely, the theories of saving the nation through democracy and constitutional parliament—it's no wonder Yuan Shikai is kicking him while he's down. In fact, this has indeed garnered Yuan Shikai considerable support. Previously, Empress Dowager Cixi had the Manchus relinquish power in the Grand Council, placing it under the leadership of Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai, which greatly displeased Qu Hongji, the leader of the Qingliu faction.

The Qingliu faction consistently supported Emperor Guangxu, but under Empress Dowager Cixi's suppression, they had no choice but to submit. However, they believed that Cixi was getting old and Emperor Guangxu would eventually seize power. During the period when Cixi placed Emperor Guangxu under house arrest, she briefly considered deposing him. Although she abandoned this idea after being persuaded by Li Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong, Liu Kunyi, and others, the Qingliu faction remained quite wary of the possibility of deposing the emperor.

According to Qu Hongji, with the successive deaths of Li Hongzhang and Liu Kunyi, and Zhang Zhidong being held back in Beijing by Empress Dowager Cixi, the only powerful figure capable of participating in the abolition of the emperor was Yuan Shikai, who controlled the Beiyang Army.

Because of the Hundred Days' Reform, Yuan Shikai and Emperor Guangxu were irreconcilable enemies, so Yuan Shikai would certainly not allow Emperor Guangxu to return to the center of power alive. Therefore, preventing Yuan Shikai from seizing control of the central government became a major task for the Qingliu faction. Empress Dowager Cixi's appointment of Yuan Shikai as Governor-General of Zhili and concurrently Grand Councilor naturally drew attacks from the Qingliu faction.

However, the Qingliu faction itself actually had little power. Previously, it relied on Zhang Zhidong to maintain the situation, and now it was relying on Cen Chunxuan, who did not come from the proper channels, to prop up the Qingliu's image. The so-called Qingliu has always referred to upright and outspoken officials who passed the imperial examinations, that is, officials who came from the proper channels. It is quite ridiculous that by the end of the Qing Dynasty, Cen Chunxuan, who entered officialdom through his father's influence, had become the mainstay of the Qingliu faction.

However, in the midst of such a great upheaval as the late Qing Dynasty, the emergence of enlightened gentry like the constitutionalists meant that even the "pure stream" (a group of upright officials who maintained a low social standing) no longer held any advantage in public opinion. This was because the "pure stream" lacked the ability to run newspapers and the financial resources to have them speak favorably of them. The constitutionalists, on the other hand, both ran newspapers and had the financial means to influence their narratives, thus naturally seizing the power of public opinion that the "pure stream" had previously controlled.

While the Qingliu faction was still advocating outdated and pedantic ideas of loyalty to the emperor, the constitutionalists had already raised the banner of enriching the country and strengthening its military. After the signing of the Boxer Protocol, saving the country had overridden all other domestic political ideas and become the most urgent task.

Moreover, the Hundred Days' Reform had shattered the fundamental ethics of loyalty to the emperor, because the Qingliu faction had not demonstrated any loyalty to the emperor at all, but instead directly submitted to Empress Dowager Cixi. This behavior naturally tore down the banner of loyalty to the emperor. Everyone knew that loyalty to the emperor was just a lie these officials kept on their lips; in reality, they would follow whoever offered them the most benefits.

The support of the Southern constitutionalists for Yuan Shikai naturally erased some of the criticisms leveled against him by the Qingliu faction. This was undoubtedly good news for Yuan Shikai. If he could also gain British support, the Beiyang government would be fully strengthened. Therefore, he still held great hope regarding the conditions brought back by Tang Shaoyi from the British, asking Tang, "Shaochuan, what do you think of the conditions offered by the British? Can you accept them?"

After a moment's thought, Tang Shaoyi replied to Yuan Shikai: "The British refused to talk to us before, only saying they wanted to talk to Tibet. In fact, they wanted to separate Tibet from China. Their intentions were sinister."

However, this time when the British talked to us, they clarified the status of Tibet and even moved the boundary line between India and Tibet from the mountaintop to the mountainside, only asking for the guarantee of Gurkha's independence. I think this was indeed a very sincere negotiation.

Of course, the British were willing to make such significant concessions ultimately because they had suffered setbacks at the hands of the Hubei New Army in India. The British felt that continuing the war was no longer advantageous for India, hence these concessions. If the situation in India were to develop in a direction favorable to the British, they might retract these concessions.

Therefore, I think we should reach a peace agreement with the British as soon as possible and demarcate the border between the two countries. This way, if the situation in India changes again in the future, at least we can use this agreement to negotiate with the British.

Yuan Shikai looked at the snowflakes falling from the sky outside the glass window, and after thinking for a long time, he hesitated before saying, "If we could sign an agreement with the British regarding the Tibetan border, thus eliminating their greed for Tibet, I think that would be a good thing. After all, we can't possibly cross Tibet and the Himalayas to fight the British for anything in India."

Frankly, being able to hold onto Tibet, Xinjiang, Outer Mongolia, and Manchuria is already a stroke of good fortune amidst misfortune. If any of these places were lost, the heartland of China would be completely exposed to the great powers, and we would either end up like Korea or India. As for preserving most of the strategically important areas of Tibet, whether the border is on a mountaintop or halfway up a mountain is really not a major issue.

But I'm worried about one thing: we've reached an agreement with the British, but what if Wuhan doesn't honor it? We can't just send people to India to bring those new troops back. If we really provoke a rebellious attitude in Wuhan, and they declare independence from the Qing Dynasty, then our current situation really won't be sustainable..."

Chapter 334 Yuan Shikai's Strategic Vision